How do speakers process phonological opacities resulting from stem allomorphy in regularly inflected word forms? We advocate a model which holds that these stem allomorphs are derived from a single, abstract lexical representation and do not require multiple access routes. Consequently, phonologically transparent and opaque forms are accessed alike. We tested our claims with four priming experiments (cross-modal and intra-modal), using German strong (irregular), weak (regular), and mixed verbs as a test case. Our hypothesis is that in spite of stem vowel alternations, strong verbs have single underspecified stems, while mixed verbs have two competing representations, reflecting both strong and weak inflectional properties. We conclude that phonological representations rather than morphological verb classes govern stem access.
2015. Macroscopic and microscopic typology: Basic Valence Orientation, more pertinacious than meets the naked eye. Linguistic Typology 19:1 ► pp. 1 ff.
2014. Phonological and morphological constraints on German /t/-deletions. Journal of Phonetics 45 ► pp. 64 ff.
Lahiri, Aditi
2011. Words: Discrete and discreet mental representations. In Lexical Representation, ► pp. 89 ff.
Lahiri, Aditi & Henning Reetz
2010. Distinctive features: Phonological underspecification in representation and processing. Journal of Phonetics 38:1 ► pp. 44 ff.
This list is based on CrossRef data as of 21 december 2024. Please note that it may not be complete. Sources presented here have been supplied by the respective publishers.
Any errors therein should be reported to them.