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               <Text textformat="05">This study investigates light verb constructions in sample corpora from Old- Middle- and Early Modern English. The use of one coherent definition of light verb constructions throughout these periods allows direct comparison of the overall structures and of the light verbs used. The comparison shows that frequencies are highest in the Middle English texts and decrease in the Early Modern data. While the Old English counts are significantly lower than Middle English ones, their frequencies are far from negligible. It is argued that where previous assessments consider Old English light verb constructions to be rare or non-existent, this is partly due to having used the perspective of the most frequent Modern English light verbs rather than working from the perspective of which light verbs were frequent at the period in question.</Text>
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                  <TitleWithoutPrefix>What happened to the English prefix, and could it stage a comeback?</TitleWithoutPrefix>
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               <TitleStatement textformat="02">What happened to the English prefix, and could it stage a comeback?</TitleStatement>
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                  <IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
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               <PersonName>Stefan Diemer</PersonName>
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               <KeyNames>Diemer</KeyNames>
               <ProfessionalAffiliation>
                  <Affiliation>Saarland University, Germany</Affiliation>
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                  <WebsiteRole>07</WebsiteRole>
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               <Text textformat="05">This paper revisits the historical shift in English verb-particle combinations from prefixed to prepositional and adverbial forms based on qualitative and quantitative examples from the Helsinki and Wycliffe corpora collected during a study on the history of verb-particle combinations (Diemer 2008). It is argued that the reasons for the disappearance of the English prefix are more complex than previously thought. The paper proposes a combination of competition-based and systemic reasons while allowing for additional influence by other developments, such as verb frequency and spelling habits. Excerpts from corpus-based studies (Diemer 2009, 2013) show that the development is not irreversible, since due to the influence of computer-mediated communication there may be a revival of prefix verbs modelled after Old English templates.</Text>
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                  <FirstPageNumber>57</FirstPageNumber>
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                  <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix>
                  <TitleWithoutPrefix>pattern to be a-hunting from Middle cto Late Modern English</TitleWithoutPrefix>
                  <Subtitle>Towards extrapolating from Wright's English cDialect Dictionary</Subtitle>
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               <TitleStatement textformat="02">The pattern <i>to be a-hunting</i> from Middle  to Late Modern English: Towards extrapolating from Wright's English cDialect Dictionary</TitleStatement>
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                  <NameIDType>01</NameIDType>
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               <PersonName>Manfred Markus</PersonName>
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               <KeyNames>Markus</KeyNames>
               <ProfessionalAffiliation>
                  <Affiliation>University of Innsbruck, Austria</Affiliation>
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                  <WebsiteRole>07</WebsiteRole>
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               <LanguageRole>01</LanguageRole>
               <LanguageCode>eng</LanguageCode>
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               <Text textformat="05">The <i>English Dialect Dictionary</i> (1898–1905), in its digitised beta-version <i>EDD Online</i>, allows for the retrieval of the gerund construction <i>to be on verbing</i>, generally in the reduced form <i>to be a-verbing</i>. The pattern was so much alive in the period covered by the EDD, 1700 to 1900, that its frequency can be hypothetically seen as an indicator of its role in the preceding centuries back to Late Middle English, even though evidence of its occurrence then has always been scarce. This paper’s extrapolation from Late Modern English back to Middle English is triggered by a striking similarity of distribution: <i>to be a-verbing</i> is documented by the EDD for all British regions except the English North, which is the very part where the participles of the progressive form <i>to be verbing</i> in Middle English had, according to Mossé (1925: 78), the deviant suffix –<i>ande</i>. My paper tries to explain this strange correlation, also throwing light on the competition from the progressive, which was the accepted form of the written standard, whereas <i>to be a-verbing</i> was the colloquial and dialectal variant.</Text>
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                  <IDValue>10.1075/scl.63.08els</IDValue>
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                  <FirstPageNumber>81</FirstPageNumber>
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                  <TitleElementLevel>04</TitleElementLevel>
                  <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix>
                  <TitleWithoutPrefix>present perfect and the preterite in Late Modern and Contemporary English</TitleWithoutPrefix>
                  <Subtitle>A longitudinal look</Subtitle>
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               <TitleStatement textformat="02">The present perfect and the preterite in Late Modern and Contemporary English: A longitudinal look</TitleStatement>
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                  <NameIDType>01</NameIDType>
                  <IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
                  <IDValue>303222483</IDValue>
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               <PersonName>Johan Elsness</PersonName>
               <PersonNameInverted>Elsness, Johan</PersonNameInverted>
               <NamesBeforeKey>Johan</NamesBeforeKey>
               <KeyNames>Elsness</KeyNames>
               <ProfessionalAffiliation>
                  <Affiliation>University of Oslo</Affiliation>
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                  <WebsiteRole>07</WebsiteRole>
                  <WebsiteLink>https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/303222483</WebsiteLink>
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               <LanguageCode>eng</LanguageCode>
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               <Text textformat="05">In this article I examine a wide selection of language corpora, most of which have only recently become available, to shed light on the development of the two main verb forms used to refer to past time in English: the present perfect and the preterite. It has been claimed that the development of the present perfect in English runs counter to that observable in many other languages, including German and French, where this verb form continues to expand, at the expense of the preterite. The main conclusion is that the new corpus evidence confirms the assumption of a special development in English, the present perfect having been in decline since around 1800, in both AmE and BrE, although a somewhat varied picture emerges in the present-day language.</Text>
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                  <FirstPageNumber>105</FirstPageNumber>
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                  <TitleElementLevel>04</TitleElementLevel>
                  <NoPrefix/>
                  <TitleWithoutPrefix>can and be able to in nineteenth-century Irish English</TitleWithoutPrefix>
                  <Subtitle>A case of `imperfect learning'?</Subtitle>
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               <TitleStatement textformat="02">can and be able to in nineteenth-century Irish English: A case of `imperfect learning'?</TitleStatement>
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            <Contributor>
               <SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
               <ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
               <NameIdentifier>
                  <NameIDType>01</NameIDType>
                  <IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
                  <IDValue>619222484</IDValue>
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               <PersonName>Marije Hattum</PersonName>
               <PersonNameInverted>Hattum, Marije</PersonNameInverted>
               <NamesBeforeKey>Marije</NamesBeforeKey>
               <KeyNames>Hattum</KeyNames>
               <ProfessionalAffiliation>
                  <Affiliation>Liverpool Hope University</Affiliation>
               </ProfessionalAffiliation>
               <Website>
                  <WebsiteRole>07</WebsiteRole>
                  <WebsiteLink>https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/619222484</WebsiteLink>
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               <LanguageCode>eng</LanguageCode>
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               <Text textformat="05">This paper discusses the status of can and be able to in nineteenth-century Irish English in comparison to English English through means of a corpus study of personal letters. Analysis of the data reveals that the use of be able TO is conditioned by the combination of time reference and polarity in the English English data but not in the Irish English data. Thus, the data suggest that some writers of nineteenth-century Irish English failed to acquire the subtle differences between can and be able to present in English English. I propose that the increased use of be able to in nineteenth-century Irish English is the result of imperfect learning through perceived similarity (cf. Thomason 2001 and De Smet 2012).</Text>
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               <TitleType>01</TitleType>
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                  <TitleElementLevel>04</TitleElementLevel>
                  <NoPrefix/>
                  <TitleWithoutPrefix>Part 2. Patterns in the noun phrase</TitleWithoutPrefix>
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               <TitleStatement textformat="02">Part 2. Patterns in the noun phrase</TitleStatement>
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               <LanguageRole>01</LanguageRole>
               <LanguageCode>eng</LanguageCode>
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                  <IDValue>scl.63.11roh</IDValue>
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               <PageRun>
                  <FirstPageNumber>131</FirstPageNumber>
                  <LastPageNumber>149</LastPageNumber>
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               <TitleType>01</TitleType>
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                  <NoPrefix/>
                  <TitleWithoutPrefix>Syntactic constraints on the use of dual form intensifiers in Modern English</TitleWithoutPrefix>
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               <TitleStatement textformat="02">Syntactic constraints on the use of dual form intensifiers in Modern English</TitleStatement>
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               <SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
               <ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
               <NameIdentifier>
                  <NameIDType>01</NameIDType>
                  <IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
                  <IDValue>786222485</IDValue>
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               <PersonName>Günter Rohdenburg</PersonName>
               <PersonNameInverted>Rohdenburg, Günter</PersonNameInverted>
               <NamesBeforeKey>Günter</NamesBeforeKey>
               <KeyNames>Rohdenburg</KeyNames>
               <ProfessionalAffiliation>
                  <Affiliation>University of Paderborn</Affiliation>
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               <Website>
                  <WebsiteRole>07</WebsiteRole>
                  <WebsiteLink>https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/786222485</WebsiteLink>
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               <LanguageRole>01</LanguageRole>
               <LanguageCode>eng</LanguageCode>
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               <Text textformat="05">Recent work on comparative variation has highlighted two major syntactic environments encouraging the choice of the more explicit <i>more</i>-variant, a) the use of non-attributive rather than attributive adjectives and b) the use of complemented rather than uncomplemented (non-attributive) adjectives (cf., e.g., Mondorf 2009). The present article shows that throughout the Modern English period these environments have also favoured the choice of the more explicit suffixed variant in dual form intensifiers. In addition, the paper briefly assesses some important theories that have been or could be invoked to account for these findings. Specifically, it is shown that the prosodic (sub)type of the intensifier itself does not play a decisive role in selecting the suffixed or suffixless variant.</Text>
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                  <IDValue>scl.63.12bla</IDValue>
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               <TextItemIdentifier>
                  <TextItemIDType>06</TextItemIDType>
                  <IDValue>10.1075/scl.63.12bla</IDValue>
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               <PageRun>
                  <FirstPageNumber>151</FirstPageNumber>
                  <LastPageNumber>171</LastPageNumber>
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               <NumberOfPages>21</NumberOfPages>
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            <ComponentNumber>12</ComponentNumber>
            <TitleDetail>
               <TitleType>01</TitleType>
               <TitleElement>
                  <TitleElementLevel>04</TitleElementLevel>
                  <NoPrefix/>
                  <TitleWithoutPrefix>Ma daddy wis dead chuffed</TitleWithoutPrefix>
                  <Subtitle>On the dialectal distribution of the intensifier dead in Contemporary English</Subtitle>
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                  <i>Ma daddy</i>
                  <i>wis</i> dead <i>chuffed</i>: On the dialectal distribution of the intensifier dead in Contemporary English</TitleStatement>
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               <SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
               <ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
               <NameIdentifier>
                  <NameIDType>01</NameIDType>
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               <PersonName>Zeltia Blanco-Suárez</PersonName>
               <PersonNameInverted>Blanco-Suárez, Zeltia</PersonNameInverted>
               <NamesBeforeKey>Zeltia</NamesBeforeKey>
               <KeyNames>Blanco-Suárez</KeyNames>
               <ProfessionalAffiliation>
                  <Affiliation>University of Santiago de Compostela</Affiliation>
               </ProfessionalAffiliation>
               <Website>
                  <WebsiteRole>07</WebsiteRole>
                  <WebsiteLink>https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/68222486</WebsiteLink>
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               <LanguageRole>01</LanguageRole>
               <LanguageCode>eng</LanguageCode>
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               <Text textformat="05">The present paper aims to shed light on the dialectal distribution of the intensifier <i>dead</i> in four varieties of Present-Day English: American, British, Irish and Scottish English. For this purpose, data are drawn from the Corpus of Contemporary American English, the <i>Brigham Young University-British National Corpus</i>, the Irish component of the <i>International Corpus of English</i> and the <i>Scottish Corpus of Texts and Speech</i>. A collocational analysis of the adverbial and adjectival form <i>dead</i> makes it possible to see whether <i>dead</i> takes a literal reading or is rather used as a grammaticalised intensifier. The paper argues that intensifying <i>dead</i> is most productive in the Irish and Scottish varieties, followed by the British and American dialects.</Text>
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                  <FirstPageNumber>173</FirstPageNumber>
                  <LastPageNumber>205</LastPageNumber>
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               <NumberOfPages>33</NumberOfPages>
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            <ComponentNumber>13</ComponentNumber>
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               <TitleType>01</TitleType>
               <TitleElement>
                  <TitleElementLevel>04</TitleElementLevel>
                  <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix>
                  <TitleWithoutPrefix>case of focus</TitleWithoutPrefix>
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               <SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
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               <NameIdentifier>
                  <NameIDType>01</NameIDType>
                  <IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
                  <IDValue>323222487</IDValue>
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               <PersonName>Georg Maier</PersonName>
               <PersonNameInverted>Maier, Georg</PersonNameInverted>
               <NamesBeforeKey>Georg</NamesBeforeKey>
               <KeyNames>Maier</KeyNames>
               <ProfessionalAffiliation>
                  <Affiliation>University of Hamburg</Affiliation>
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               <Website>
                  <WebsiteRole>07</WebsiteRole>
                  <WebsiteLink>https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/323222487</WebsiteLink>
               </Website>
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               <LanguageRole>01</LanguageRole>
               <LanguageCode>eng</LanguageCode>
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               <Text textformat="05">This article investigates the distribution of pronoun case forms (PCFs) in <i>it</i>-clefts and <i>it</i> BE-sentences in British and American English. Its particular interest is the occurrence of subject PCFs in these two constructions. Functional and pragmatic factors exerting an influence on the distribution are identified, such as first vs. third person, singular vs plural. All these factors are operationalized and quantified in the datasets. The findings confirm the hypothesis that subject PCFs have been re-functionalised as Focus markers in the two varieties examined. As the explanation of this refunctionalization, markedness reversal is put forward.</Text>
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               <TextItemIdentifier>
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            <ComponentNumber>14</ComponentNumber>
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               <TitleType>01</TitleType>
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                  <TitleElementLevel>04</TitleElementLevel>
                  <NoPrefix/>
                  <TitleWithoutPrefix>Part 3. Patterns in complementation structures</TitleWithoutPrefix>
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               <TitleStatement textformat="02">Part 3. Patterns in complementation structures</TitleStatement>
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               <LanguageRole>01</LanguageRole>
               <LanguageCode>eng</LanguageCode>
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                  <FirstPageNumber>209</FirstPageNumber>
                  <LastPageNumber>221</LastPageNumber>
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                  <NoPrefix/>
                  <TitleWithoutPrefix>Null objects and sentential complements, with evidence from the Corpus of Historical American English</TitleWithoutPrefix>
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               <TitleStatement textformat="02">Null objects and sentential complements, with evidence from the Corpus of Historical American English</TitleStatement>
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               <SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
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                  <NameIDType>01</NameIDType>
                  <IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
                  <IDValue>736222488</IDValue>
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               <PersonName>Juhani Rudanko</PersonName>
               <PersonNameInverted>Rudanko, Juhani</PersonNameInverted>
               <NamesBeforeKey>Juhani</NamesBeforeKey>
               <KeyNames>Rudanko</KeyNames>
               <ProfessionalAffiliation>
                  <Affiliation>University of Tampere</Affiliation>
               </ProfessionalAffiliation>
               <Website>
                  <WebsiteRole>07</WebsiteRole>
                  <WebsiteLink>https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/736222488</WebsiteLink>
               </Website>
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            <Contributor>
               <SequenceNumber>2</SequenceNumber>
               <ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
               <NameIdentifier>
                  <NameIDType>01</NameIDType>
                  <IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
                  <IDValue>929222489</IDValue>
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               <PersonName>Paul Rickman</PersonName>
               <PersonNameInverted>Rickman, Paul</PersonNameInverted>
               <NamesBeforeKey>Paul</NamesBeforeKey>
               <KeyNames>Rickman</KeyNames>
               <ProfessionalAffiliation>
                  <Affiliation>University of Tampere</Affiliation>
               </ProfessionalAffiliation>
               <Website>
                  <WebsiteRole>07</WebsiteRole>
                  <WebsiteLink>https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/929222489</WebsiteLink>
               </Website>
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               <LanguageRole>01</LanguageRole>
               <LanguageCode>eng</LanguageCode>
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               <Text textformat="05">The present article discusses the occurrence of covert NP objects in object control structures with the matrix verb <i>warn</i>. The existence of such structures is at odds with Bach’s Generalization, which effectively states that the NP object in an object control structure may not be omitted. Evidence from COHA is introduced and discussed, to shed new light on the apparent exceptions to the Generalization. The frequency of the construction is tracked over the course of the past two centuries, and the nature of the covert NP object is also examined. The question is raised as to whether this NP can be assigned a general interpretation, as has been claimed in the literature, or whether a more specific interpretation is appropriate.</Text>
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                  <TitleWithoutPrefix>new angle on infinitival and of -ing complements of afraid, with evidence cfrom the TIME Corpus</TitleWithoutPrefix>
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               <TitleStatement textformat="02">A new angle on infinitival and of -<i>ing</i> complements of <i>afraid</i>, with evidence  from the <i>TIME</i> Corpus</TitleStatement>
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               <PersonName>Juhani Rudanko</PersonName>
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                  <Affiliation>University of Tampere</Affiliation>
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               <Text textformat="05">This article argues that an approach based on semantic roles offers a new approach to the variation between to infinitival and of -<i>ing</i> complements of the adjective <i>afraid</i>. While the semantic role of the higher subject does not appear to vary, control theory makes it possible to investigate the semantic role of the lower subject. No absolute rules can be given, but regularities that are of statistical significance can be observed. The study draws on the first three decades of the <i>TIME</i> Corpus for authentic data. The results shed light on the semantic interpretation of to infinitival and -<i>ing</i> complements in subject control constructions and open a new perspective on the relevance of semantic roles to argument selection.</Text>
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                  <TitleWithoutPrefix>Active and passive infinitive, ambiguity and non-canonical subject with ready</TitleWithoutPrefix>
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               <PersonName>Mikko Höglund</PersonName>
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                  <Affiliation>University of Tampere</Affiliation>
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               <Text textformat="05">This paper presents a case study of the adjective <i>ready</i> and discusses its properties when it occurs in the <i>tough</i> construction (TC). The paper discusses the active and passive infinitive variation in the TC with evidence from the Corpus of Late Modern English Texts and the British National Corpus. The ambiguity created by the active infinitive and the effect of the semantics of the subject on the choice of the infinitive form are also discussed. The results show that the TC has become more frequent in BrE, and unlike with typical <i>tough</i> predicates, with <i>ready</i> the passive infinitive has persisted, most likely because of the risk of ambiguity with the active. The data also show that when the subject is [+HUMAN], the passive infinitive is used exclusively.</Text>
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                  <TitleWithoutPrefix>Part 4. Patterns of clause combining</TitleWithoutPrefix>
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                  <Subtitle>A diachronic register study</Subtitle>
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               <PersonName>Hubert Cuyckens</PersonName>
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               <Text textformat="05">The present paper addresses the register diffusion of the English absolute, a non-finite construction functioning as an adverbial (an example from Present-day-English is: <i>One of the cheap cigars to which she was addicted burns ignored between her fingers, the skin of her face dragging down with indifference</i>. (BNC, Van Gogh: a life, 1990)). On the basis of diachronic corpus research including corpora such as the BNC, the Old Bailey corpus and the Penn parsed corpora of English it is argued that the distribution of absolutes in various historical registers of written English, as well as in spoken English, appears to have shifted from a system operating along the ‘formal vs. informal’ cline and, to a lesser extent, the ‘narrative vs. non-narrative’ cline in Early Modern English to registers operating along the ‘literary vs. non-literary’ cline in Present-day English. Special attention is given to the role of <i>with</i>-augmentation which may have been an important facilitator for the absolute construction to fully establish itself in the spoken register, as the addition of an augmentor enhances ease of processing (Berent 1975, Kortmann 1995).</Text>
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                  <TitleWithoutPrefix>It-clefts in English L1 and L2 academic writing</TitleWithoutPrefix>
                  <Subtitle>The case of Norwegian learners</Subtitle>
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               <TitleStatement textformat="02">It-clefts in English L1 and L2 academic writing: The case of Norwegian learners</TitleStatement>
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               <Text textformat="05">This paper examines <i>it</i>-clefts in five corpora representing Norwegian learners of English, novice L1 writers of English and specialist L1 academic writing. The comparison also concerns general argumentative writing vs. discipline-specific writing. The frequency of <i>it</i>-clefts varies across the corpora. The learners underuse clefts, but the results of the register comparison are inconclusive. The types of clefted constituent and the choice of subordinator in the cleft clause vary more in L1 than in L2 writing. There are also differences as to the syntactic environments of clefts and their discourse functions. For example, the learners overuse clefts in interrogatives in argumentative writing. In discipline-specific writing, the learners underuse clefts in <i>that</i>-clauses, particularly with the function of reporting previous research.</Text>
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                  <TitleWithoutPrefix>speech functions of tag questions cand their properties. A comparison of their distribution in COLT and LLC</TitleWithoutPrefix>
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               <PersonName>Kristin Davidse</PersonName>
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               <KeyNames>Davidse</KeyNames>
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               <KeyNames>Cornillie</KeyNames>
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               <Text textformat="05">This article proposes a classification of speech functions of variable tag questions in British English conversations. Based on intonational, conversational and formal criteria the analysis shows that tag questions can not only function as questions and statements, but also as responses, commands and offers. A large group of tag questions cannot be captured by any of the traditional speech functions and are classified instead as Statement-Question blends. The article investigates the impact of the LLC and COLT corpora, and features such as gender, age and social roles, on the distribution of the different speech functions and their properties. The main finding is that all speech functions are present in the two different corpora, albeit with differing relative frequencies.</Text>
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                  <TitleWithoutPrefix>Part 1. Patterns in the verb phrase</TitleWithoutPrefix>
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                  <TitleWithoutPrefix>Light verb constructions in the history cof English</TitleWithoutPrefix>
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               <TitleStatement textformat="02">Light verb constructions in the history  of English</TitleStatement>
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               <PersonName>Patricia Ronan</PersonName>
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               <KeyNames>Ronan</KeyNames>
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                  <Affiliation>Université de Lausanne</Affiliation>
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               <Text textformat="05">This study investigates light verb constructions in sample corpora from Old- Middle- and Early Modern English. The use of one coherent definition of light verb constructions throughout these periods allows direct comparison of the overall structures and of the light verbs used. The comparison shows that frequencies are highest in the Middle English texts and decrease in the Early Modern data. While the Old English counts are significantly lower than Middle English ones, their frequencies are far from negligible. It is argued that where previous assessments consider Old English light verb constructions to be rare or non-existent, this is partly due to having used the perspective of the most frequent Modern English light verbs rather than working from the perspective of which light verbs were frequent at the period in question.</Text>
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                  <NoPrefix/>
                  <TitleWithoutPrefix>What happened to the English prefix, and could it stage a comeback?</TitleWithoutPrefix>
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               <SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
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               <NameIdentifier>
                  <NameIDType>01</NameIDType>
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               <PersonName>Stefan Diemer</PersonName>
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               <KeyNames>Diemer</KeyNames>
               <ProfessionalAffiliation>
                  <Affiliation>Saarland University, Germany</Affiliation>
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                  <WebsiteRole>07</WebsiteRole>
                  <WebsiteLink>https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/609222481</WebsiteLink>
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               <LanguageCode>eng</LanguageCode>
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               <Text textformat="05">This paper revisits the historical shift in English verb-particle combinations from prefixed to prepositional and adverbial forms based on qualitative and quantitative examples from the Helsinki and Wycliffe corpora collected during a study on the history of verb-particle combinations (Diemer 2008). It is argued that the reasons for the disappearance of the English prefix are more complex than previously thought. The paper proposes a combination of competition-based and systemic reasons while allowing for additional influence by other developments, such as verb frequency and spelling habits. Excerpts from corpus-based studies (Diemer 2009, 2013) show that the development is not irreversible, since due to the influence of computer-mediated communication there may be a revival of prefix verbs modelled after Old English templates.</Text>
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                  <FirstPageNumber>57</FirstPageNumber>
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                  <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix>
                  <TitleWithoutPrefix>pattern to be a-hunting from Middle cto Late Modern English</TitleWithoutPrefix>
                  <Subtitle>Towards extrapolating from Wright's English cDialect Dictionary</Subtitle>
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               <TitleStatement textformat="02">The pattern <i>to be a-hunting</i> from Middle  to Late Modern English: Towards extrapolating from Wright's English cDialect Dictionary</TitleStatement>
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               <SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
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               <PersonName>Manfred Markus</PersonName>
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               <KeyNames>Markus</KeyNames>
               <ProfessionalAffiliation>
                  <Affiliation>University of Innsbruck, Austria</Affiliation>
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                  <WebsiteRole>07</WebsiteRole>
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               <LanguageCode>eng</LanguageCode>
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               <Text textformat="05">The <i>English Dialect Dictionary</i> (1898–1905), in its digitised beta-version <i>EDD Online</i>, allows for the retrieval of the gerund construction <i>to be on verbing</i>, generally in the reduced form <i>to be a-verbing</i>. The pattern was so much alive in the period covered by the EDD, 1700 to 1900, that its frequency can be hypothetically seen as an indicator of its role in the preceding centuries back to Late Middle English, even though evidence of its occurrence then has always been scarce. This paper’s extrapolation from Late Modern English back to Middle English is triggered by a striking similarity of distribution: <i>to be a-verbing</i> is documented by the EDD for all British regions except the English North, which is the very part where the participles of the progressive form <i>to be verbing</i> in Middle English had, according to Mossé (1925: 78), the deviant suffix –<i>ande</i>. My paper tries to explain this strange correlation, also throwing light on the competition from the progressive, which was the accepted form of the written standard, whereas <i>to be a-verbing</i> was the colloquial and dialectal variant.</Text>
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                  <TitleElementLevel>04</TitleElementLevel>
                  <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix>
                  <TitleWithoutPrefix>present perfect and the preterite in Late Modern and Contemporary English</TitleWithoutPrefix>
                  <Subtitle>A longitudinal look</Subtitle>
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               <TitleStatement textformat="02">The present perfect and the preterite in Late Modern and Contemporary English: A longitudinal look</TitleStatement>
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               <PersonName>Johan Elsness</PersonName>
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               <NamesBeforeKey>Johan</NamesBeforeKey>
               <KeyNames>Elsness</KeyNames>
               <ProfessionalAffiliation>
                  <Affiliation>University of Oslo</Affiliation>
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                  <WebsiteRole>07</WebsiteRole>
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               <LanguageCode>eng</LanguageCode>
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               <Text textformat="05">In this article I examine a wide selection of language corpora, most of which have only recently become available, to shed light on the development of the two main verb forms used to refer to past time in English: the present perfect and the preterite. It has been claimed that the development of the present perfect in English runs counter to that observable in many other languages, including German and French, where this verb form continues to expand, at the expense of the preterite. The main conclusion is that the new corpus evidence confirms the assumption of a special development in English, the present perfect having been in decline since around 1800, in both AmE and BrE, although a somewhat varied picture emerges in the present-day language.</Text>
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                  <TitleElementLevel>04</TitleElementLevel>
                  <NoPrefix/>
                  <TitleWithoutPrefix>can and be able to in nineteenth-century Irish English</TitleWithoutPrefix>
                  <Subtitle>A case of `imperfect learning'?</Subtitle>
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               <TitleStatement textformat="02">can and be able to in nineteenth-century Irish English: A case of `imperfect learning'?</TitleStatement>
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               <SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
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                  <NameIDType>01</NameIDType>
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               <PersonName>Marije Hattum</PersonName>
               <PersonNameInverted>Hattum, Marije</PersonNameInverted>
               <NamesBeforeKey>Marije</NamesBeforeKey>
               <KeyNames>Hattum</KeyNames>
               <ProfessionalAffiliation>
                  <Affiliation>Liverpool Hope University</Affiliation>
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               <Text textformat="05">This paper discusses the status of can and be able to in nineteenth-century Irish English in comparison to English English through means of a corpus study of personal letters. Analysis of the data reveals that the use of be able TO is conditioned by the combination of time reference and polarity in the English English data but not in the Irish English data. Thus, the data suggest that some writers of nineteenth-century Irish English failed to acquire the subtle differences between can and be able to present in English English. I propose that the increased use of be able to in nineteenth-century Irish English is the result of imperfect learning through perceived similarity (cf. Thomason 2001 and De Smet 2012).</Text>
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                  <TitleWithoutPrefix>Part 2. Patterns in the noun phrase</TitleWithoutPrefix>
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               <LanguageCode>eng</LanguageCode>
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                  <FirstPageNumber>131</FirstPageNumber>
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                  <TitleWithoutPrefix>Syntactic constraints on the use of dual form intensifiers in Modern English</TitleWithoutPrefix>
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               <TitleStatement textformat="02">Syntactic constraints on the use of dual form intensifiers in Modern English</TitleStatement>
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               <SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
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               <NameIdentifier>
                  <NameIDType>01</NameIDType>
                  <IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
                  <IDValue>786222485</IDValue>
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               <PersonName>Günter Rohdenburg</PersonName>
               <PersonNameInverted>Rohdenburg, Günter</PersonNameInverted>
               <NamesBeforeKey>Günter</NamesBeforeKey>
               <KeyNames>Rohdenburg</KeyNames>
               <ProfessionalAffiliation>
                  <Affiliation>University of Paderborn</Affiliation>
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                  <WebsiteRole>07</WebsiteRole>
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               <LanguageRole>01</LanguageRole>
               <LanguageCode>eng</LanguageCode>
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               <Text textformat="05">Recent work on comparative variation has highlighted two major syntactic environments encouraging the choice of the more explicit <i>more</i>-variant, a) the use of non-attributive rather than attributive adjectives and b) the use of complemented rather than uncomplemented (non-attributive) adjectives (cf., e.g., Mondorf 2009). The present article shows that throughout the Modern English period these environments have also favoured the choice of the more explicit suffixed variant in dual form intensifiers. In addition, the paper briefly assesses some important theories that have been or could be invoked to account for these findings. Specifically, it is shown that the prosodic (sub)type of the intensifier itself does not play a decisive role in selecting the suffixed or suffixless variant.</Text>
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                  <FirstPageNumber>151</FirstPageNumber>
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               <TitleType>01</TitleType>
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                  <TitleElementLevel>04</TitleElementLevel>
                  <NoPrefix/>
                  <TitleWithoutPrefix>Ma daddy wis dead chuffed</TitleWithoutPrefix>
                  <Subtitle>On the dialectal distribution of the intensifier dead in Contemporary English</Subtitle>
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                  <i>Ma daddy</i>
                  <i>wis</i> dead <i>chuffed</i>: On the dialectal distribution of the intensifier dead in Contemporary English</TitleStatement>
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               <SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
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               <NameIdentifier>
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               <PersonName>Zeltia Blanco-Suárez</PersonName>
               <PersonNameInverted>Blanco-Suárez, Zeltia</PersonNameInverted>
               <NamesBeforeKey>Zeltia</NamesBeforeKey>
               <KeyNames>Blanco-Suárez</KeyNames>
               <ProfessionalAffiliation>
                  <Affiliation>University of Santiago de Compostela</Affiliation>
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               <Website>
                  <WebsiteRole>07</WebsiteRole>
                  <WebsiteLink>https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/68222486</WebsiteLink>
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               <LanguageCode>eng</LanguageCode>
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               <Text textformat="05">The present paper aims to shed light on the dialectal distribution of the intensifier <i>dead</i> in four varieties of Present-Day English: American, British, Irish and Scottish English. For this purpose, data are drawn from the Corpus of Contemporary American English, the <i>Brigham Young University-British National Corpus</i>, the Irish component of the <i>International Corpus of English</i> and the <i>Scottish Corpus of Texts and Speech</i>. A collocational analysis of the adverbial and adjectival form <i>dead</i> makes it possible to see whether <i>dead</i> takes a literal reading or is rather used as a grammaticalised intensifier. The paper argues that intensifying <i>dead</i> is most productive in the Irish and Scottish varieties, followed by the British and American dialects.</Text>
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                  <FirstPageNumber>173</FirstPageNumber>
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                  <TitleElementLevel>04</TitleElementLevel>
                  <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix>
                  <TitleWithoutPrefix>case of focus</TitleWithoutPrefix>
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               <SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
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               <NameIdentifier>
                  <NameIDType>01</NameIDType>
                  <IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
                  <IDValue>323222487</IDValue>
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               <PersonName>Georg Maier</PersonName>
               <PersonNameInverted>Maier, Georg</PersonNameInverted>
               <NamesBeforeKey>Georg</NamesBeforeKey>
               <KeyNames>Maier</KeyNames>
               <ProfessionalAffiliation>
                  <Affiliation>University of Hamburg</Affiliation>
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               <Website>
                  <WebsiteRole>07</WebsiteRole>
                  <WebsiteLink>https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/323222487</WebsiteLink>
               </Website>
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               <LanguageRole>01</LanguageRole>
               <LanguageCode>eng</LanguageCode>
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               <Text textformat="05">This article investigates the distribution of pronoun case forms (PCFs) in <i>it</i>-clefts and <i>it</i> BE-sentences in British and American English. Its particular interest is the occurrence of subject PCFs in these two constructions. Functional and pragmatic factors exerting an influence on the distribution are identified, such as first vs. third person, singular vs plural. All these factors are operationalized and quantified in the datasets. The findings confirm the hypothesis that subject PCFs have been re-functionalised as Focus markers in the two varieties examined. As the explanation of this refunctionalization, markedness reversal is put forward.</Text>
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                  <TitleWithoutPrefix>Part 3. Patterns in complementation structures</TitleWithoutPrefix>
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               <TitleStatement textformat="02">Part 3. Patterns in complementation structures</TitleStatement>
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                  <TitleWithoutPrefix>Null objects and sentential complements, with evidence from the Corpus of Historical American English</TitleWithoutPrefix>
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               <PersonName>Juhani Rudanko</PersonName>
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                  <Affiliation>University of Tampere</Affiliation>
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               <PersonName>Paul Rickman</PersonName>
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                  <Affiliation>University of Tampere</Affiliation>
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               <Text textformat="05">The present article discusses the occurrence of covert NP objects in object control structures with the matrix verb <i>warn</i>. The existence of such structures is at odds with Bach’s Generalization, which effectively states that the NP object in an object control structure may not be omitted. Evidence from COHA is introduced and discussed, to shed new light on the apparent exceptions to the Generalization. The frequency of the construction is tracked over the course of the past two centuries, and the nature of the covert NP object is also examined. The question is raised as to whether this NP can be assigned a general interpretation, as has been claimed in the literature, or whether a more specific interpretation is appropriate.</Text>
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                  <TitlePrefix>A </TitlePrefix>
                  <TitleWithoutPrefix>new angle on infinitival and of -ing complements of afraid, with evidence cfrom the TIME Corpus</TitleWithoutPrefix>
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               <TitleStatement textformat="02">A new angle on infinitival and of -<i>ing</i> complements of <i>afraid</i>, with evidence  from the <i>TIME</i> Corpus</TitleStatement>
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               <PersonName>Juhani Rudanko</PersonName>
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                  <Affiliation>University of Tampere</Affiliation>
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               <Text textformat="05">This article argues that an approach based on semantic roles offers a new approach to the variation between to infinitival and of -<i>ing</i> complements of the adjective <i>afraid</i>. While the semantic role of the higher subject does not appear to vary, control theory makes it possible to investigate the semantic role of the lower subject. No absolute rules can be given, but regularities that are of statistical significance can be observed. The study draws on the first three decades of the <i>TIME</i> Corpus for authentic data. The results shed light on the semantic interpretation of to infinitival and -<i>ing</i> complements in subject control constructions and open a new perspective on the relevance of semantic roles to argument selection.</Text>
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                  <TitleWithoutPrefix>Active and passive infinitive, ambiguity and non-canonical subject with ready</TitleWithoutPrefix>
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               <TitleStatement textformat="02">Active and passive infinitive, ambiguity and non-canonical subject with <i>ready</i>
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               <PersonName>Mikko Höglund</PersonName>
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               <NamesBeforeKey>Mikko</NamesBeforeKey>
               <KeyNames>Höglund</KeyNames>
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                  <Affiliation>University of Tampere</Affiliation>
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               <Text textformat="05">This paper presents a case study of the adjective <i>ready</i> and discusses its properties when it occurs in the <i>tough</i> construction (TC). The paper discusses the active and passive infinitive variation in the TC with evidence from the Corpus of Late Modern English Texts and the British National Corpus. The ambiguity created by the active infinitive and the effect of the semantics of the subject on the choice of the infinitive form are also discussed. The results show that the TC has become more frequent in BrE, and unlike with typical <i>tough</i> predicates, with <i>ready</i> the passive infinitive has persisted, most likely because of the risk of ambiguity with the active. The data also show that when the subject is [+HUMAN], the passive infinitive is used exclusively.</Text>
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                  <TitleWithoutPrefix>Part 4. Patterns of clause combining</TitleWithoutPrefix>
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                  <TitleWithoutPrefix>diffusion of English absolutes</TitleWithoutPrefix>
                  <Subtitle>A diachronic register study</Subtitle>
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               <TitleStatement textformat="02">The diffusion of English absolutes: A diachronic register study</TitleStatement>
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               <PersonName>Nikki Pol</PersonName>
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                  <Affiliation>Research Foundation Flanders</Affiliation>
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               <PersonName>Hubert Cuyckens</PersonName>
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               <KeyNames>Cuyckens</KeyNames>
               <ProfessionalAffiliation>
                  <Affiliation>University of Leuven</Affiliation>
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               <Text textformat="05">The present paper addresses the register diffusion of the English absolute, a non-finite construction functioning as an adverbial (an example from Present-day-English is: <i>One of the cheap cigars to which she was addicted burns ignored between her fingers, the skin of her face dragging down with indifference</i>. (BNC, Van Gogh: a life, 1990)). On the basis of diachronic corpus research including corpora such as the BNC, the Old Bailey corpus and the Penn parsed corpora of English it is argued that the distribution of absolutes in various historical registers of written English, as well as in spoken English, appears to have shifted from a system operating along the ‘formal vs. informal’ cline and, to a lesser extent, the ‘narrative vs. non-narrative’ cline in Early Modern English to registers operating along the ‘literary vs. non-literary’ cline in Present-day English. Special attention is given to the role of <i>with</i>-augmentation which may have been an important facilitator for the absolute construction to fully establish itself in the spoken register, as the addition of an augmentor enhances ease of processing (Berent 1975, Kortmann 1995).</Text>
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                  <TitleWithoutPrefix>It-clefts in English L1 and L2 academic writing</TitleWithoutPrefix>
                  <Subtitle>The case of Norwegian learners</Subtitle>
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               <TitleStatement textformat="02">It-clefts in English L1 and L2 academic writing: The case of Norwegian learners</TitleStatement>
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               <PersonName>Hilde Hasselgård</PersonName>
               <PersonNameInverted>Hasselgård, Hilde</PersonNameInverted>
               <NamesBeforeKey>Hilde</NamesBeforeKey>
               <KeyNames>Hasselgård</KeyNames>
               <ProfessionalAffiliation>
                  <Affiliation>University of Oslo</Affiliation>
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               <Text textformat="05">This paper examines <i>it</i>-clefts in five corpora representing Norwegian learners of English, novice L1 writers of English and specialist L1 academic writing. The comparison also concerns general argumentative writing vs. discipline-specific writing. The frequency of <i>it</i>-clefts varies across the corpora. The learners underuse clefts, but the results of the register comparison are inconclusive. The types of clefted constituent and the choice of subordinator in the cleft clause vary more in L1 than in L2 writing. There are also differences as to the syntactic environments of clefts and their discourse functions. For example, the learners overuse clefts in interrogatives in argumentative writing. In discipline-specific writing, the learners underuse clefts in <i>that</i>-clauses, particularly with the function of reporting previous research.</Text>
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                  <TitleWithoutPrefix>speech functions of tag questions cand their properties. A comparison of their distribution in COLT and LLC</TitleWithoutPrefix>
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               <TitleStatement textformat="02">The speech functions of tag questions  and their properties. A comparison of their distribution in COLT and LLC</TitleStatement>
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               <PersonName>Ditte Kimps</PersonName>
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               <KeyNames>Kimps</KeyNames>
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                  <Affiliation>KU Leuven</Affiliation>
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               <PersonName>Kristin Davidse</PersonName>
               <PersonNameInverted>Davidse, Kristin</PersonNameInverted>
               <NamesBeforeKey>Kristin</NamesBeforeKey>
               <KeyNames>Davidse</KeyNames>
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                  <Affiliation>KU Leuven</Affiliation>
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               <PersonName>Bert Cornillie</PersonName>
               <PersonNameInverted>Cornillie, Bert</PersonNameInverted>
               <NamesBeforeKey>Bert</NamesBeforeKey>
               <KeyNames>Cornillie</KeyNames>
               <ProfessionalAffiliation>
                  <Affiliation>KU Leuven</Affiliation>
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               <Text textformat="05">This article proposes a classification of speech functions of variable tag questions in British English conversations. Based on intonational, conversational and formal criteria the analysis shows that tag questions can not only function as questions and statements, but also as responses, commands and offers. A large group of tag questions cannot be captured by any of the traditional speech functions and are classified instead as Statement-Question blends. The article investigates the impact of the LLC and COLT corpora, and features such as gender, age and social roles, on the distribution of the different speech functions and their properties. The main finding is that all speech functions are present in the two different corpora, albeit with differing relative frequencies.</Text>
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                  <TitleWithoutPrefix>Author index</TitleWithoutPrefix>
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                  <TitleWithoutPrefix>Towards extrapolating from Wright's English cDialect Dictionary</TitleWithoutPrefix>
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               <PriceType>01</PriceType>
               <!-- List59 (Price type qualifier) -> 00 (Unqualified price) -->
               <PriceQualifier>00</PriceQualifier>
               <PriceTypeDescription>Unqualified price</PriceTypeDescription>
               <!-- List61 (Price status) -> 00 (Unspecified) -->
               <PriceStatus>00</PriceStatus>
               <PriceAmount>99.00</PriceAmount>
               <!-- List96 (Currency code – based on ISO 4217) -> EUR (Euro) -->
               <CurrencyCode>EUR</CurrencyCode>
            </Price>
            <Price>
<!-- List58 (Price type) -> 01 (RRP excluding tax) -->
               <PriceType>01</PriceType>
               <!-- List59 (Price type qualifier) -> 00 (Unqualified price) -->
               <PriceQualifier>00</PriceQualifier>
               <PriceTypeDescription>Unqualified price</PriceTypeDescription>
               <!-- List61 (Price status) -> 00 (Unspecified) -->
               <PriceStatus>00</PriceStatus>
               <PriceAmount>83.00</PriceAmount>
               <!-- List96 (Currency code – based on ISO 4217) -> GBP (Pound Sterling) -->
               <CurrencyCode>GBP</CurrencyCode>
            </Price>
            <Price>
<!-- List58 (Price type) -> 01 (RRP excluding tax) -->
               <PriceType>01</PriceType>
               <!-- List59 (Price type qualifier) -> 00 (Unqualified price) -->
               <PriceQualifier>00</PriceQualifier>
               <PriceTypeDescription>Unqualified price</PriceTypeDescription>
               <!-- List61 (Price status) -> 00 (Unspecified) -->
               <PriceStatus>00</PriceStatus>
               <PriceAmount>149.00</PriceAmount>
               <!-- List96 (Currency code – based on ISO 4217) -> USD (US Dollar) -->
               <CurrencyCode>USD</CurrencyCode>
            </Price>
         </SupplyDetail>
      </ProductSupply>
   </Product>
</ONIXMessage>