Hong Kong Cantonese TV talk shows: When code-switching manifests as impoliteness

Cher Leng Lee and Daoning Zhu
Abstract

This study examines how impoliteness is carried out through code-switching in the Hong Kong Cantonese television talk show Sze U Tonight. Hong Kong is a modern and globalised Chinese society with a colonial background and is currently part of China. This unique combination makes the norms that govern code-switching and impoliteness in talk shows worth exploring. It is interesting to examine how the Hong Kong people express themselves through their language choices, especially when this is put in the media for public viewing, situated in the context of semi-institutional conversations on a Hong Kong television talk show. Using Spencer-Oatey’s (2002Spencer-Oatey, Helen 2002 “Managing Rapport in Talk: Using Rapport Sensitive Incidents to Explore the Motivational Concerns Underlying the Management of Relations.” Journal of Pragmatics 34 (5): 529–545. DOI logoGoogle Scholar, 2008 (ed) 2008Culturally Speaking: Culture, Communication and Politeness Theory. London, New York: Continuum.Google Scholar) rapport management framework, this paper discusses the forms and functions of code-switching that manifest as impoliteness in the media of a multilingual Chinese society.

Keywords:
Publication history
Table of contents

1.Introduction

Although Chinese impoliteness has become a popular research topic (Kádár and Pan 2012Kádár, Dániel Z., and Yuling Pan 2012 “Chinese ‘Face’ and Im/politeness: An Introduction.” Journal of Politeness Research 8 (1): 1–10. DOI logoGoogle Scholar), research in this area still lacks discussion in different Chinese contexts. Code-switching (CS) is a common linguistic phenomenon in multilingual Hong Kong (HK). CS in TV media, including TV talk shows, is of great research value. The CS data from a HK Cantonese TV talk show used in this study will enhance our understanding of impoliteness in different Chinese speech communities, shedding light on this cross-cultural and cross-linguistic phenomenon.

Hong Kong became a colony of the United Kingdom after the Qing government’s defeat in the Opium War in 1842 and the signing of the Treaty of Nanking. In colonial times, English was the official language and Cantonese was widely spoken by the local Chinese people. Bauer (1984Bauer, Robert S. 1984 “The Hong Kong Cantonese Speech Community.” Language Learning and Communication 3(3): 243–414.Google Scholar, 1) observed that “Cantonese functions as the community’s standard form of speech, its lingua franca, and its predominant mother tongue” for HK Chinese people. In 1997, HK returned to China. The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region was established. The policy of ‘One Country, Two Systems’ and the language policy of ‘Bi-literacy and Tri-lingualism’ was implemented from then on. Mandarin is recognised as the national standard language, but it has not been widely used in HK. With the economic development of Mainland China and the increase of China’s international status, the status and popularity of Mandarin in HK has been enhanced and improved (Pan 2000Pan, Yuling 2000Politeness in Chinese Face-to-Face Interaction. Stamford: Ablex.Google Scholar, 25).

In this study, we use the HK Cantonese TV talk show Sze U Tonight as an example to study CS that manifests as impoliteness in the HK Chinese speech community. We chose Sze U Tonight because it is a typical late-night talk show which imitates the style of American shows and has been specifically compared to The Tonight Show with Jimmy Fallon and The Late Show with David Letterman. The format and even the set design seem to deliberately emulate these shows.11. https://​news​.artnet​.com​/art​-world​/hong​-kong​-talk​-show​-outright​-steals​-jimmy​-fallons​-egg​-russian​-roulette​-game​-244282 Like on American TV talk shows, impoliteness plays an important role in the entertainment factor and humour in Sze U Tonight. The main language of the show is Cantonese, but there are many code-switching instances in the show; some of them manifest as impoliteness. Although the format resembles that of American shows, given that this show is situated in a multilingual context that has CS, impoliteness is shown through this phenomenon.

Sze U Tonight first aired at 10pm on TVB Jade on February 1st, 2015. The show imitates the mode of late-night TV talk shows in the United States.22. https://​zh​.wikipedia​.org​/wiki​/%E4%BB%8A%E6%99%9A%E7%9D%87%E6%9D%8E Besides the main host Johnson Lee Sze-Chit  李思捷 , there are sidekicks in the show whom Lee interacts with, such as the live band Palwerful Band, announcer Gill Mohinder Paul Singh 喬寶寶 and so on. Pal Sinn Lap Man  單立文 (hereafter Sinn) is not only the leader of the Palwerful Band, but also Lee’s main sidekick, akin to Paul Shaffer on The Late Show with David Letterman. Sinn costars in many of the opening sketches with Lee. There are interactions between the host and guests, between the sidekicks and guests, as well as between the host and the sidekicks. There are also interactions among the host, guests, and live audience sometimes.

Each episode comprises the following segments: an opening sketch, a prologue by the announcer, host’s monologue, interviews, games, and musical performances. The atmosphere of the show is mostly relaxed and calm, with some tension which allows us to observe impoliteness in this show. In Sze U Tonight, the matrix language is Cantonese and the embedded language is mainly English, while Mandarin is also sometimes embedded (Myers-Scotton 1992 1992 “Comparing Codeswitching and Borrowing.” Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development XIII, 1&2: 19–37. DOI logoGoogle Scholar). Even though the show’s general format and aesthetic are imported practically wholesale from American late night TV talk shows, there are specificities in the nuances of the language, and especially in CS, which are inherent in HK society. This sets the interactions on a talk show like Sze U Tonight apart from the English-language shows which it emulates, as well as the impoliteness in them.

The research question of the study is: How does code-switching to English or Mandarin manifest as impoliteness on Cantonese HK TV talk shows? By focusing on code-switching that manifests as impoliteness in this HK Cantonese TV talk show, we hope to fill in the gap of (im)politeness research in different Chinese speech communities.

The study consists of the following sections: Section 1 briefly introduces the sociolinguistic background of HK and the research question of this paper. Section 2 gives an overview of the theoretical frameworks and the related studies. Section 3 introduces the research method and explains the process of data analysis. Section 4 discusses the forms and functions of code-switching that manifest as impoliteness. Section 5 concludes the study.

2.Related studies

This section gives an overview of the theoretical frameworks and related research on TV talk shows, Chinese impoliteness, code-switching, and rapport management.

2.1TV talk shows

Conversations on TV are more readily recordable than those in real life because they are intended to be. There are some differences between the language used on TV and in everyday conversations. TV talk show conversation is classified under semi-institutional conversation (Ilie 1999Ilie, Cornelia 1999 “Question-Response Argumentation in Talk Shows.” Journal of Pragmatics 31 (8): 975–999. DOI logoGoogle Scholar, 2001 2001 “Semi-institutional Discourse: The Case of Talk Shows.” Journal of Pragmatics 33 (2): 209–254. DOI logoGoogle Scholar), which is a sociocultural practice characterised by a specific configuration of participants and established conventions, but also by spontaneous intervention and unpredictable outcomes (Ilie 2001 2001 “Semi-institutional Discourse: The Case of Talk Shows.” Journal of Pragmatics 33 (2): 209–254. DOI logoGoogle Scholar, 218). They are more scripted, and need to follow certain rules and conventions, such as in terms of policies and censorship by related departments, the style of the network, the market environment, as well as the needs and preferences of the guests and the audience. The topics and scenes in TV talk shows are more fixed and targeted.

In recent years, there has been an increase in pragmatics studies on media discourse (Lin 2020Lin, Chih-Ying 2020 “Exploring Judges’ Compliments and Criticisms on American, British, and Taiwanese Talent Shows.” Journal of Pragmatics 160: 44–59. DOI logoGoogle Scholar, 45), including TV talk shows. These studies cover conversation/discourse analysis, question and answer adjacent pair, argumentation, role, identity, and relationship construction, just to name a few (Li and Ran 2016Li, Cheng-Tuan, and Yong-Ping Ran 2016 “Self-professional Identity Construction through Other-identity Deconstruction in Chinese Televised Debating Discourse.” Journal of Pragmatics 94: 47–63. DOI logoGoogle Scholar). In these studies, many scholars have made significant contributions to our understanding of strategies of confrontational questions and question design (Clayman and Heritage 2002Clayman, Steven, and John Heritage 2002The News Interview: Journalists and Public Figures on the Air. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. DOI logoGoogle Scholar; Heritage 2002Heritage, John 2002 “The Limits of Questioning: Negative Interrogatives and Hostile Question Content.” Journal of Pragmatics 34: 1427–1446. DOI logoGoogle Scholar). Impoliteness plays an important role in them.

After 2010, there have been some studies of (im)politeness in Chinese TV talk shows, such as Huang’s (2014)Huang, Mei-Ling 2014 “A Study of Impoliteness Strategies in a Taiwanese Talk Show: A Case Study of Kang Xi Lai Le.” MA thesis. Providence University. study of impoliteness strategies in “Kangxilaile 康熙来了 , a Taiwanese TV talk show. Lee et al. (2013)Lee, Cher Leng, Yao Chen, and Gek Len Tan 2013 “Silence and Face-work in Two Chinese TV Talk Shows.” Discourse, Context & Media 2 (1): 52–74. DOI logoGoogle Scholar use silence in conversation to further compare the face and politeness strategies in Chinese TV talk shows in Mainland China and the Taiwan region. However, related studies in other Chinese speech communities like HK are relatively few. This paper aims to fill this gap.

2.2Chinese impoliteness

(Im)politeness in the West focuses more on individual facework, compliance, and breaching certain rules and principles (Brown and Levinson 1987Brown, Penelope, and Stephen Levinson 1987 [1978]Politeness: Some Universals in Language Usage. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. DOI logoGoogle Scholar; Leech 1983Leech, Geoffrey 1983Principles of Pragmatics. London: Longman.Google Scholar). In contrast, Chinese (im)politeness pays more attention to the introspection of relationships, emotion, and morality during communicative interactions (Kádár and Pan 2012Kádár, Dániel Z., and Yuling Pan 2012 “Chinese ‘Face’ and Im/politeness: An Introduction.” Journal of Politeness Research 8 (1): 1–10. DOI logoGoogle Scholar; Ran and Zhao 2018Ran, Yongping, and Linsen Zhao 2018 “Building Mutual Affection-based Face in Conflict Mediation: A Chinese Relationship Management Model.” Journal of Pragmatics 129: 185–198. DOI logoGoogle Scholar; Zhao and Ran 2019Zhao, Linsen, and Yongping Ran 2019 “Impoliteness Revisited: Evidence from Qingmian Threats in Chinese Interpersonal Conflicts.” Journal of Politeness Research 15 (2): 257–291. DOI logoGoogle Scholar). At the same time, Chinese history and culture have also added more conventions to what Chinese (im)politeness constitutes (Pan 2000Pan, Yuling 2000Politeness in Chinese Face-to-Face Interaction. Stamford: Ablex.Google Scholar). Research on Chinese (im)politeness has been closely linked with interpersonal relationships in interaction. The connotation of face has been enriched with relationships and emotions in the Chinese context, like qingmian (  情面 affection-based face), which can be the evaluative underpinning of impoliteness (Zhao and Ran 2019Zhao, Linsen, and Yongping Ran 2019 “Impoliteness Revisited: Evidence from Qingmian Threats in Chinese Interpersonal Conflicts.” Journal of Politeness Research 15 (2): 257–291. DOI logoGoogle Scholar). Recent studies of Chinese impoliteness mainly focus on potential impolite or face-threatening speech acts, combined with specific contexts (e.g., TV shows, professional fields, daily life, particular incidents, and political and diplomatic discourse). Within these contexts, the focus has also turned to speech acts such as teasing, jocular mockery acts, and conflicts in Chinese TV shows (Zhao and Ran 2019Zhao, Linsen, and Yongping Ran 2019 “Impoliteness Revisited: Evidence from Qingmian Threats in Chinese Interpersonal Conflicts.” Journal of Politeness Research 15 (2): 257–291. DOI logoGoogle Scholar; Bi and Marsden 2020Bi, Xiaoyi, and Elizabeth Marsden 2020 “Managing Interpersonal Relationships: Teasing as a Method of Professional Identity Construction.” Journal of Pragmatics 165: 18–30. DOI logoGoogle Scholar; Yang and Ren 2020Yang, Na, and Wei Ren 2020 “Jocular Mockery in the Context of a Localised Playful Frame: Unpacking Humour in a Chinese Reality TV Show.” Journal of Pragmatics 162: 32–44. DOI logoGoogle Scholar). There are also studies on impoliteness in direct advice in traditional Chinese medicine consultations (Yip 2020Yip, Jesse W. C. 2020 “Directness of Advice Giving in Traditional Chinese Medicine Consultations.” Journal of Pragmatics 166: 28–38. DOI logoGoogle Scholar), criticisms in multi-party conversation at the Chinese dinner table (Xia and Lan 2019Xia, Dengshan and Chun Lan 2019 “(Im)politeness at a Chinese Dinner Table: A Discursive Approach to (Im)politeness in Multi-party Communication.” Journal of Politeness Research 15 (2): 223–256. DOI logoGoogle Scholar), threats, harsh demands, insults, and negative evaluation in blunt anti-epidemic slogans used in China’s health campaign against coronavirus (Han 2021Han, Yanmei 2021 “Situated Impoliteness Revisited: Blunt Anti-epidemic Slogans and Conflicting Comments During the Coronavirus Outbreak in China.” Journal of Pragmatics 178: 31–42. DOI logoGoogle Scholar), as well as how Chinese spokespersons manage the (potential) face-threats triggered by questions from journalists (Mao and Zhao 2020Mao, Yansheng, and Xin Zhao 2020 “A Discursive Approach to Disagreements Expressed by Chinese Spokespersons During Press Conferences.” Discourse, Context & Media 37. DOI logoGoogle Scholar). Our study mainly focuses on code-switching that manifests as impoliteness in the TV media of a multilingual Chinese society.

There has also been quite some research comparing Chinese impoliteness with other cultures’, for example, comparing the concept of face in English and Chinese negative reviews and responses (Lai 2019Lai, Xiaoyu 2019 “Impoliteness in English and Chinese Online Diners’ Reviews.” Journal of Politeness Research 15 (2): 293–322. DOI logoGoogle Scholar), (im)politeness in compliments and criticisms, and rapport management (Spencer-Oatey 2002Spencer-Oatey, Helen 2002 “Managing Rapport in Talk: Using Rapport Sensitive Incidents to Explore the Motivational Concerns Underlying the Management of Relations.” Journal of Pragmatics 34 (5): 529–545. DOI logoGoogle Scholar, 2005 2005 “(Im)politeness, Face and Perceptions of Rapport: Unpackaging Their Bases and Interrelationships.” Journal of Politeness Research 1(1): 95–119. DOI logoGoogle Scholar, 2008 (ed) 2008Culturally Speaking: Culture, Communication and Politeness Theory. London, New York: Continuum.Google Scholar) on American, British, and Taiwanese talent shows (Lin 2020Lin, Chih-Ying 2020 “Exploring Judges’ Compliments and Criticisms on American, British, and Taiwanese Talent Shows.” Journal of Pragmatics 160: 44–59. DOI logoGoogle Scholar), and so on. For the study of Chinese (im)politeness to be meaningful, it needs to be situated in a given speech community, as in comparing (im)politeness between mainland China and Taiwan (Lee et al. 2013Lee, Cher Leng, Yao Chen, and Gek Len Tan 2013 “Silence and Face-work in Two Chinese TV Talk Shows.” Discourse, Context & Media 2 (1): 52–74. DOI logoGoogle Scholar), disagreement in business meetings in HK (Chan, Schnurr and Zayts 2018Chan, Angela, Stephanie Schnurr, and Olga Zayts 2018 “Exploring Face, Identity and Relationship Management in Disagreements in Business Meetings in Hong Kong.” Journal of Politeness Research 14 (2): 233–260. DOI logoGoogle Scholar), and so on. However, research on (im)politeness in different Chinese contexts is still lacking.

Some studies on HK include Pan (2011) 2011 “Cantonese Politeness in the Interviewing Setting.” Journal of Asian Pacific Communication 21 (1): 10–33. DOI logoGoogle Scholar, who explores how (im)politeness is used as a discursive strategy in a Cantonese interview setting. Code-switching is a unique phenomenon in HK, which is a multilingual Chinese speech community, and its relationship with (im)politeness deserves further exploration. Chau and Lee (2021)Chau, Dennis, and Carmen Lee 2021 “ ‘See you soon! ADD OIL AR!’: Code-switching for Face-work in Edu-social Facebook Groups.” Journal of Pragmatics 184: 18–28. DOI logoGoogle Scholar show how CS is deployed as a powerful discursive resource in the performance of face-work among Cantonese-English bilingual users in online discourse. This paper analyses the forms and functions of CS that manifest as impoliteness on a HK Cantonese TV talk show.

2.3Rapport management framework

In the ‘post-modern’ view, (im)politeness is not limited to individual facework but is redefined within a broader framework of relevance or relationship, such as ‘relational work’ and ‘rapport management’. The rapport management framework (Spencer-Oatey 2002Spencer-Oatey, Helen 2002 “Managing Rapport in Talk: Using Rapport Sensitive Incidents to Explore the Motivational Concerns Underlying the Management of Relations.” Journal of Pragmatics 34 (5): 529–545. DOI logoGoogle Scholar, 2005 2005 “(Im)politeness, Face and Perceptions of Rapport: Unpackaging Their Bases and Interrelationships.” Journal of Politeness Research 1(1): 95–119. DOI logoGoogle Scholar, 2008 (ed) 2008Culturally Speaking: Culture, Communication and Politeness Theory. London, New York: Continuum.Google Scholar) improves upon Brown and Levinson’s (1987)Brown, Penelope, and Stephen Levinson 1987 [1978]Politeness: Some Universals in Language Usage. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. DOI logoGoogle Scholar politeness theory. Spencer-Oatey (2002)Spencer-Oatey, Helen 2002 “Managing Rapport in Talk: Using Rapport Sensitive Incidents to Explore the Motivational Concerns Underlying the Management of Relations.” Journal of Pragmatics 34 (5): 529–545. DOI logoGoogle Scholar takes rapport as the central concern, since (im)politeness is typically associated with harmonious/conflictual interpersonal relations (Spencer-Oatey 2005 2005 “(Im)politeness, Face and Perceptions of Rapport: Unpackaging Their Bases and Interrelationships.” Journal of Politeness Research 1(1): 95–119. DOI logoGoogle Scholar, 95). Spencer-Oatey (2005) 2005 “(Im)politeness, Face and Perceptions of Rapport: Unpackaging Their Bases and Interrelationships.” Journal of Politeness Research 1(1): 95–119. DOI logoGoogle Scholar uses the term ‘rapport’ to refer to subjective perceptions of (dis)harmony or smoothness-turbulence in interpersonal relations (Spencer-Oatey 2008 (ed) 2008Culturally Speaking: Culture, Communication and Politeness Theory. London, New York: Continuum.Google Scholar, 335). In other words, rapport management acknowledges the need for recognition, shifting the attention from individual face to interpersonal or social face. This refers to any language used to promote, maintain or threaten harmonious relationships (Spencer-Oatey 2008 2008 “Face, (Im)politeness and Rapport.” In Culturally Speaking: Culture, Communication and Politeness Theory, ed. by H. Spencer-Oatey, 11–47. London, New York: Continuum.Google Scholar, 3).

The term ‘face’ seems to focus on concerns for the self, whereas rapport management suggests a greater balance between the self and the other (Spencer-Oatey 2008 2008 “Face, (Im)politeness and Rapport.” In Culturally Speaking: Culture, Communication and Politeness Theory, ed. by H. Spencer-Oatey, 11–47. London, New York: Continuum.Google Scholar, 12). Spencer-Oatey (2002Spencer-Oatey, Helen 2002 “Managing Rapport in Talk: Using Rapport Sensitive Incidents to Explore the Motivational Concerns Underlying the Management of Relations.” Journal of Pragmatics 34 (5): 529–545. DOI logoGoogle Scholar, 540) suggests that the motivational force for rapport management involves two main components: the management of face and the management of sociality rights. She suggests that face has two interrelated aspects – quality face and social identity face – and the two interrelated aspects of sociality rights are equity rights and association rights (Spencer-Oatey 2002Spencer-Oatey, Helen 2002 “Managing Rapport in Talk: Using Rapport Sensitive Incidents to Explore the Motivational Concerns Underlying the Management of Relations.” Journal of Pragmatics 34 (5): 529–545. DOI logoGoogle Scholar, 540–541). We will observe how the quality face, social identity face, equity rights, and association rights of interlocutors are challenged in the show through code-switching that manifests as impoliteness.

Spencer-Oatey (2005 2005 “(Im)politeness, Face and Perceptions of Rapport: Unpackaging Their Bases and Interrelationships.” Journal of Politeness Research 1(1): 95–119. DOI logoGoogle Scholar, 95) proposes three key elements that influence dynamic perceptions of rapport: behavioral expectations, face sensitivities, and interactional wants. The judgment (conscious or otherwise) of rapport is largely based on assessments of these elements (Spencer-Oatey 2005 2005 “(Im)politeness, Face and Perceptions of Rapport: Unpackaging Their Bases and Interrelationships.” Journal of Politeness Research 1(1): 95–119. DOI logoGoogle Scholar, 116). Spencer-Oatey (2008 2008 “Face, (Im)politeness and Rapport.” In Culturally Speaking: Culture, Communication and Politeness Theory, ed. by H. Spencer-Oatey, 11–47. London, New York: Continuum.Google Scholar, 15) further highlights the development of behavioral expectations in relation to perceived sociality rights and obligations, which can affect interpersonal rapport if these are not fulfilled.

Spencer-Oatey (2008 2008 “Face, (Im)politeness and Rapport.” In Culturally Speaking: Culture, Communication and Politeness Theory, ed. by H. Spencer-Oatey, 11–47. London, New York: Continuum.Google Scholar, 13) also proposes that rapport management entails three interconnected components: the management of face, the management of sociality rights and obligations, and the management of interactional goals. Sociality rights and obligations are concerned with social expectancies and reflect people’s concerns over fairness, consideration, and behavioral appropriateness (Spencer-Oatey 2008 2008 “Face, (Im)politeness and Rapport.” In Culturally Speaking: Culture, Communication and Politeness Theory, ed. by H. Spencer-Oatey, 11–47. London, New York: Continuum.Google Scholar, 13). Sociality rights and obligations were originally known as the expectation of equity rights and association rights in Spencer-Oatey (2002)Spencer-Oatey, Helen 2002 “Managing Rapport in Talk: Using Rapport Sensitive Incidents to Explore the Motivational Concerns Underlying the Management of Relations.” Journal of Pragmatics 34 (5): 529–545. DOI logoGoogle Scholar. The management of interactional goals is the third component of rapport management, which is further divided into transactional (task-oriented) goals and relational (relationship management) goals (Spencer-Oatey 2008 2008 “Face, (Im)politeness and Rapport.” In Culturally Speaking: Culture, Communication and Politeness Theory, ed. by H. Spencer-Oatey, 11–47. London, New York: Continuum.Google Scholar, 49). In our study, we will also discuss the interactional goals of code-switching that manifest as impoliteness on the show.

Culpeper (2005)Culpeper, Jonathan 2005 “Impoliteness and Entertainment in the Television Quiz Show: The Weakest Link.” Journal of Politeness Research 1: 35–72. DOI logoGoogle Scholar categorises impolite cases according to the classification of Spencer-Oatey’s (2002)Spencer-Oatey, Helen 2002 “Managing Rapport in Talk: Using Rapport Sensitive Incidents to Explore the Motivational Concerns Underlying the Management of Relations.” Journal of Pragmatics 34 (5): 529–545. DOI logoGoogle Scholar rapport management in his analysis of the quiz show The Weakest Link, which also enlightens our data analysis. Since then, Spencer-Oatey (2002Spencer-Oatey, Helen 2002 “Managing Rapport in Talk: Using Rapport Sensitive Incidents to Explore the Motivational Concerns Underlying the Management of Relations.” Journal of Pragmatics 34 (5): 529–545. DOI logoGoogle Scholar, 2005 2005 “(Im)politeness, Face and Perceptions of Rapport: Unpackaging Their Bases and Interrelationships.” Journal of Politeness Research 1(1): 95–119. DOI logoGoogle Scholar, 2008 2008 “Face, (Im)politeness and Rapport.” In Culturally Speaking: Culture, Communication and Politeness Theory, ed. by H. Spencer-Oatey, 11–47. London, New York: Continuum.Google Scholar) has been more widely used in studies related to TV shows. For example, Lin (2020)Lin, Chih-Ying 2020 “Exploring Judges’ Compliments and Criticisms on American, British, and Taiwanese Talent Shows.” Journal of Pragmatics 160: 44–59. DOI logoGoogle Scholar uses Spencer-Oatey (2002Spencer-Oatey, Helen 2002 “Managing Rapport in Talk: Using Rapport Sensitive Incidents to Explore the Motivational Concerns Underlying the Management of Relations.” Journal of Pragmatics 34 (5): 529–545. DOI logoGoogle Scholar, 2005 2005 “(Im)politeness, Face and Perceptions of Rapport: Unpackaging Their Bases and Interrelationships.” Journal of Politeness Research 1(1): 95–119. DOI logoGoogle Scholar, 2008 (ed) 2008Culturally Speaking: Culture, Communication and Politeness Theory. London, New York: Continuum.Google Scholar) as a theoretical framework to discuss how judges manage their relationship with contestants through speech acts of praise and criticism on American British and Taiwanese talent shows. Lorenzo-dus (2005)Lorenzo-Dus, Nuria 2005 “A Rapport and Impression Management Approach to Public Figures’ Performance of Talk.” Journal of Pragmatics 37 (5): 611–631. DOI logoGoogle Scholar also investigates how Kilroy, a public figure, maintains the harmonious relationship and carries out good impression management in the conversation of televised audience participation debates.

2.4Code-switching

According to the definition of CS proposed by Poplack (1979)Poplack, Shana 1979 “Sometimes I’ll Start a Sentence in Spanish y termino en espanol: Toward a Typology of Code-switching.” Linguistics 18 (7–8): 581–618.Google Scholar, Myers-Scotton (1992) 1992 “Comparing Codeswitching and Borrowing.” Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development XIII, 1&2: 19–37. DOI logoGoogle Scholar, Grosjean and Miller (1994)Grosjean, Francois, and Joanne L. Miller 1994 “Going in and out of Languages: An Example of Bilingual Flexibility.” Psychological Science V (4): 201–206. DOI logoGoogle Scholar, and Milroy and Muysken (1995)Milroy, Lesley, and Pieter Muysken 1995 “Introduction: Code-switching and Bilingualism Research.” In One Speaker Two Languages: Cross-disciplinary Perspectives on Code-switching, ed. by Lesley Milroy, and Pieter Muysken, 1–14. New York: Cambridge University Press. DOI logoGoogle Scholar, CS is a linguistic phenomenon wherein a speaker uses two or more languages or language varieties in a single discourse, sentence or constituent. Blom and Gumperz’s (1972)Blom, Jan P., and John J. Gumperz 1972 “Social Meaning in Linguistic Structures: Code Switching in Northern Norway.” In Directions in Sociolinguistics: The Ethnography of Communication, ed. by John J. Gumperz, and Dell Hymes, 407–434. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.Google Scholar seminal work has motivated a new research paradigm that views code-switching as a socially and interactionally meaningful discourse strategy (Su 2009Su, Hsi-Yao 2009 “Code-switching in Managing a Face-threatening Communicative Task: Footing and Ambiguity in Conversational Interaction in Taiwan.” Journal of Pragmatics 41: 372–392. DOI logoGoogle Scholar, 373).

Poplack (1979)Poplack, Shana 1979 “Sometimes I’ll Start a Sentence in Spanish y termino en espanol: Toward a Typology of Code-switching.” Linguistics 18 (7–8): 581–618.Google Scholar and Appel and Muysken (1987)Appel, Rene, and Pieter Muysken 1987Language Contact and Bilingualism. London: Edward Arnold.Google Scholar divided CS into three types, including inter-sentential switching, intra-sentential switching, and tag switching. Myers-Scotton (1989)Myers-Scotton, Carol 1989 “Codeswitching with English: Types of Switching, Types of Communities.” World Englishes 3: 333–346. DOI logoGoogle Scholar also distinguished the fourth type of intra-word switching. In our study, we will discuss CS in the form of words/phrases and sentences with their respective functions. Blom and Gumperz (1972)Blom, Jan P., and John J. Gumperz 1972 “Social Meaning in Linguistic Structures: Code Switching in Northern Norway.” In Directions in Sociolinguistics: The Ethnography of Communication, ed. by John J. Gumperz, and Dell Hymes, 407–434. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.Google Scholar divided CS into situational code-switching and metaphorical code-switching.

Gumperz (1982)Gumperz, John 1982Discourse Strategies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. DOI logoGoogle Scholar proposed the communicative functions of CS as: quotations, reiteration, message qualification, objectivization, and so on. Appel and Muysken (1987)Appel, Rene, and Pieter Muysken 1987Language Contact and Bilingualism. London: Edward Arnold.Google Scholar proposed the functions of CS as: referential function, directive function, expressive function, phatic function, metalinguistic function, and poetic function. Lee (2003)Lee, Cher Leng 2003 “Motivations of Code-switching in Multi-lingual Singapore”, Journal of Chinese Linguistics 31 (1): 145–176.Google Scholar presented findings on the not-so-motivated and motivated code-switches among Chinese major undergraduate students in Singapore. Su (2009)Su, Hsi-Yao 2009 “Code-switching in Managing a Face-threatening Communicative Task: Footing and Ambiguity in Conversational Interaction in Taiwan.” Journal of Pragmatics 41: 372–392. DOI logoGoogle Scholar investigated the function of managing face-threatening acts in telephone conversations. Displaying politeness can be seen as one of the functions of code-switching (Safi 1992Safi, S. 1992 “Functions of Code-switching: Saudi Arabic in the United States.” In The Arabic Language in America, ed. by A. Rouchdy, 72–80. Detroit, MI: Wayne State University.Google Scholar).

There is prevalent code-switching between Cantonese and English in HK (Li 2000Li, David C. S. 2000 “Cantonese-English Code-switching Research in Hong Kong: A Y2K Review.” World Englishes 19 (3): 305–322. DOI logoGoogle Scholar). Studies on CS in HK mainly research switching between Cantonese and English (Pan 2000Pan, Yuling 2000Politeness in Chinese Face-to-Face Interaction. Stamford: Ablex.Google Scholar, 25). As the status and popularity of Mandarin is improving, switching between Cantonese and Mandarin is becoming more common. Pan (2000)Pan, Yuling 2000Politeness in Chinese Face-to-Face Interaction. Stamford: Ablex.Google Scholar explored CS between Cantonese and Mandarin in Guangzhou and HK service encounters, and showed the pragmatic functions of CS. She emphasised that the political change in HK would affect the use of Mandarin (Pan 2000Pan, Yuling 2000Politeness in Chinese Face-to-Face Interaction. Stamford: Ablex.Google Scholar, 35). Tan (2013)Tam, King Fai [譚景輝] 2013 “香港口語藝術表演的語言特色:棟篤笑的雙語幽默. [The Language Features of Hong Kong Oral Arts Performance: Bilingual Humour of Stand Comedy].” 《新亞學報》 [New Asia Journal] 31: 471–488.Google Scholar generalised the functions of showing practical utility and psychological distance in CS in HK stand-up comedy. Besides switching from Cantonese to English, we also pay some attention to switching from Cantonese to Mandarin.

3.Methodology

The data of this study is taken from the HK TV talk show Sze U Tonight. We examine CS from Cantonese to English and Mandarin in all thirty-two episodes of this show. Each episode lasts around forty-five minutes. Each CS of an embedded language (English or Mandarin) into a conversation in the matrix language (Cantonese) is recorded as an occurrence.

This study uses Episode 1 to show the structure of this TV talk show as it is a good introduction to the typical structure, characteristics, and style of the show. The episode consists of a sketch, prologue, monologue, interview, and game. The show is divided into the following eight segments:

  1. the opening sketch, starring host Johnson Lee Sze-Chit  李思捷 and sidekick/bandleader Pal Sinn Lap Man  單立文 (5 min),

  2. prologue by announcer Gill Mohinder Paul Singh  喬寶寶 (1 min),

  3. monologue (solo talk show performance) by host (4.5 min),

  4. interview with Sandra Ng Kwan Yue  吳君如 (5 min),

  5. game with the cast of the movie 12 Golden Ducks (7.5 min),

  6. interview with Edwin Siu  蕭正楠 (4.5 min),

  7. “Egg Russian Roulette” game  雞蛋撞人頭 (6 min), and

  8. interview with Alex To Duk Wai  杜德偉 (7 min).

Each occurrence of code-switching that manifests as impoliteness is determined according to the theoretical framework presented in Section 2. All conversations involving CS in the thirty-two episodes have been transcribed. These transcriptions are analysed into CS that manifests as impoliteness. In most cases, interlocutors switch from Cantonese to English, and on a few occasions also to Mandarin.

We marked each occurrence with CS as ‘polite’, ‘impolite’ or ‘none’, accompanied by the time stamp, the switched language, speech act, speaker, listener, and conversational relationship between them. An example of how this information was recorded is shown in Table 1 below.

Table 1.Example of Excel spreadsheet for CS data
Time Language Content Speaker Listener Polite state Speech act Conversational relationship
14:00 English 你系女人扮男人…Technical 系點整? Johnson Lee Sandra Ng Impolite query HG
15:17 English 佢三個好fit! Johnson Lee Sandra Ng Polite compliment HG

The data shows that the highest proportion of impoliteness carried out through CS is in the opening sketch (57%, see Table 2, Figure 1), where the interlocutors are the host and his bandleader/sidekick. They are impolite to each other to create humour, as shown in Example (7).

Table 2.CS that manifests as impoliteness in different segments
Sketch Prologue Monologue Interview Game
Percent 57% 0% 18% 25% 44%
Number 4/7 0/3 7/40 8/32 18/41
* Remarks: Percent is the proportion of the number of CS occurrences that manifest as impoliteness among the total number of CS occurrences in different segments.
Figure 1.Percentage of CS that manifests as impoliteness in different segments
Figure 1.

After the opening sketches, the next highest numbers of CS manifesting as impoliteness are in the interactional segments (interview 25%, games 44%), where the conversations are mostly among hosts and guests. There are fewer CS that manifest as impoliteness in interviews than in the games, which have more of a ‘fast and loose’ nature as is the convention in American TV talk show games. The three interviews in Episode 1 are with Sandra Ng Kwan Yue  吳君如 , Edwin Siu  萧正楠 and Alex To Duk Wai  杜德偉 . These guests are promoting a movie, the finale of a TV drama series and an upcoming concert respectively, whereas the game section is unrelated to what the guests are promoting. The impoliteness carried out through CS in this section may enhance entertainment in a more exploitative atmosphere, as shown in Example (3). Promoting guests’ work and creating entertainment are both important transactional goals of the show. In the rapport management framework, transactional goals are task-oriented interactional goals (Spencer-Oatey 2008 (ed) 2008Culturally Speaking: Culture, Communication and Politeness Theory. London, New York: Continuum.Google Scholar).

A talk show can be seen as a semi-institutional verbal event, which is host-controlled, participant-shaped and audience-evaluated (Ilie 2001 2001 “Semi-institutional Discourse: The Case of Talk Shows.” Journal of Pragmatics 33 (2): 209–254. DOI logoGoogle Scholar, 209). Conversational relationships referred to in this study include relationships between host and sidekick (HS), host and audience (HA), sidekick and audience (SA), host and guests (HG), guests and audience (GA), and sidekick and guests (SG) as seen in Table 3 below.

Table 3.CS that manifests as impoliteness in different conversational relationships
HS HA SA HG GA Guests (G) SG
Percent 25% 19% 0% 40% 29% 50% 33%
Number 7/28 7/36 0/9 19/48 2/7 2/4 1/3
* Remarks: Percent is the proportion of the number of CS that manifests as impoliteness in conversations of different relationships of interlocutors.

In the conversational relationships where the listeners are only audience, there is less CS that manifests as impoliteness (HA 19%, SA 0%, GA 29%). When the interlocutors involve guests, then there are more occurrences of CS that manifests as impoliteness (HG 40%, SG 33%, G 50%). Therefore, the proportion is highest in conversations involving guests (50%), and lowest in those involving audience (SA 0%).

Figure 2.Percentage of CS that manifests as impoliteness in different conversational relationships
Figure 2.

Monologues have fewer CS that manifest as impoliteness compared to the interactional segments. According to the audience design theory (Bell 1984Bell, Allan 1984 “Language Style as Audience Design.” Language in Society 13 (2): 145–204. DOI logoGoogle Scholar), the live audience are auditors, listening to what other interlocutors say, but do not have to reply. Other interlocutors can gauge the audience’s attitudes by their verbal or nonverbal responses like clapping, cheering or jeering. Host Lee shows respect to the audience when he introduces the show, welcomes the audience, and expresses gratitude at the beginning of the show to make a good impression on the audience, which are also important transactional goals of the show. He always says “thank you” in English and addresses the audience as “ladies and gentlemen” in English, invoking the conventions of American TV talk show host speech.

In other words, the proportion of code-switching that manifests as impoliteness in different sections and conversational relationships of the show can indicate how interactional goals are managed to affect rapport in the show. The transactional goals of promoting guests’ work and leaving a good impression on the audience usually take place in a mild atmosphere, while code-switching that manifests as impoliteness could achieve the transactional goal of enhancing entertainment.

4.Forms and functions of CS manifesting as impoliteness

In this section, we analyze the forms and functions of the code-switching that manifest as impoliteness.

4.1Words and phrases of CS manifesting impoliteness

In 4.1, we analyze words and phrases of code-switching that manifest as impoliteness in Sze U Tonight. They include CS in address terms, sensitive issues, and exclamations.

4.1.1Address terms

In the show, when one uses English to address the interlocutor instead of the usual Cantonese address term, it can indicate a change in attitude. In Example (1), the sidekick/bandleader Sinn is singing while a guest dances, and another guest Sandra Ng Kwan Yue  吳君如 is impolite to Sinn by challenging Sinn’s quality face when she says she feels the lyrics “about to poop” as sung by Sinn are disgusting (line 1). According to Spencer-Oatey (2002Spencer-Oatey, Helen 2002 “Managing Rapport in Talk: Using Rapport Sensitive Incidents to Explore the Motivational Concerns Underlying the Management of Relations.” Journal of Pragmatics 34 (5): 529–545. DOI logoGoogle Scholar, 540), quality face is a fundamental desire for people to evaluate us positively in terms of our personal qualities; e.g., our competence, abilities, appearance, etc. This concerns the value that we effective claim for ourselves in terms of personal qualities, and so is closely associated with our sense of personal self-esteem. Normally others like to address Sinn in Cantonese as “Brother Leopard”  豹哥 . Here, Sandra uses the informal form, “Ah Pal” instead of the usual “Brother Leopard” in Cantonese. The prefix “Ah” is usually used by southern Chinese speakers to address someone informally. In this case, she is impolite by telling him that she is disgusted with him. At the same time, she addresses him more informally as “Ah Pal”  Pal.

Example 1

[Context: The guest Sandra Ng Kwan Yu is a famous HK actress. The cast of her new movie are guests on Sze U Tonight to promote the movie. During the game, the leading actors needed to dance along to sidekick/bandleader Sinn’s impromptu songs. The lyrics of this song are 屎急冇人知, which means “nobody knows that I am about to poop”. The guest Ng feels the lyrics are disgusting.](Youku, Episode 1, 18:00–18:10)

1 吳君如:
Ng Kwan Yue:
Ngo5
I
覺得,
gok3 dak1,
feel,
ngo5
I
覺得
gok3 dak1
feel
阿Pal
a3Pal
Ah Pal
go2
the
geui3
sentence
“屎急”
“si2 gap1”
“poop urgent”
hou2
so
核突!
wat6 dat6!
disgusting!

‘I feel the lyrics “I am about to poop” as sung by Pal are so disgusting!’

In Example (2), sidekick Sinn addresses the guest Joe Junior as “Uncle Joe” (line 3), who is an elderly actor. Normally others just address Joe Junior as “Joe Junior”. Sinn challenges Joe’s social identity face to make him admit that he has watched a burlesque striptease performance as part of a travel show (line 4), using the address term “Uncle Joe” at the same time. Social identity face is a fundamental desire for people to acknowledge and uphold our social identities or roles – e.g., as a group leader, valued customer, close friend – which concerns the value that we effectively claim for ourselves in terms of social group roles, and is closely associated with our sense of public worth (Spencer-Oatey 2002Spencer-Oatey, Helen 2002 “Managing Rapport in Talk: Using Rapport Sensitive Incidents to Explore the Motivational Concerns Underlying the Management of Relations.” Journal of Pragmatics 34 (5): 529–545. DOI logoGoogle Scholar, 540). As a public figure in HK, watching a strip show is a sensitive issue and therefore it is awkward to admit this before an audience.

Example 2

[Context: An interview with Joe Junior and Bowie Woo  胡楓 , who are famous actors in HK. Host Lee mentions that Junior and Woo had watched a strip performance as part of a TV travel show. Lee and his sidekick Sinn keep emphasising that Joe and Woo have watched women perform naked.](Youku, Episode 28, 19:20–19:35)

1 李思捷:
Johnson Lee:
Cheui4
Take
saai3
off
tiu3
jump
一字馬
yat1 ji6 ma5
the splits
bei2
show
nei5
you
tai2
see
啊?
a1?
(question mark)?

‘Did they take their clothes off to do the splits for you?’

2

Joe Junior:

Joe Junior:

M4
Not
系!
hai6!
yes!

‘No!’

3 單立文:
Sinn Lap Man:
Si6
Yes
jau6
just
si6
yes
啦,
la1,
(expletive),
Uncle
Uncle
Uncle
Joe!
Joe!
Joe!

‘You should answer “yes”, Uncle Joe!’

4 Joe Junior:
Joe Junior:
Hai6
Is
seung6
up
bun3
half
san1
body
cheui4
take
saai3
off
喈!
gaai1!
(phrase-final particle)!

‘They were topless, that’s all!’

4.1.2Sensitive issues

It is observed that interlocutors switch to English or Mandarin lexical items to mention sensitive issues in the show. In Example (3), the host uses “technical” to refer to the actress Ng Kwan Yue reducing the size of her breasts to cross-dress as a man in her new movie (line 1). It is impolite to mention a woman’s breasts while talking to Ng. Switching to “technical” in English shows offence to Ng by highlighting her breasts. Besides the entertainment factor, the code-switch to “technical” promotes the movie while displaying impoliteness, which is also an important transactional goal of the show.

Example 3

[Context: In this interview with the actress Sandra Ng Kwan Yue, host Lee talks about her new movie. Ng plays a man in the movie, so Lee is curious about how she dresses up as a man.](Youku, Episode 1, 13:50–14:05)

3 李思捷:
Johnson Lee:
Nei5
You
hai6
are
女人
neui5 yan2
woman
baan6
dress up
男人,
naam yan2,
man,
yiu3
will
jing2
make
返…
faan1…yat1
out…
一個
go3
a
肌肉,
gei1 yuk6,
muscle,
其实
kei4 sat6
actually
系,
hai6,
is,
jik1
that
hai6
is
technical
technical
technical
hai6
is
dim2
how
整?
jing2?
do?

‘When you dress up as a man, how do you reduce the size of your breasts to make them appear like pectoral muscles?’

The interlocutors also use CS when they want to know more about an issue that might be sensitive to the addressee. Talking about a sensitive issue might challenge the addressee’s equity rights by unduly imposing upon the addressee to let them say what is unmentionable (Spencer-Oatey 2002Spencer-Oatey, Helen 2002 “Managing Rapport in Talk: Using Rapport Sensitive Incidents to Explore the Motivational Concerns Underlying the Management of Relations.” Journal of Pragmatics 34 (5): 529–545. DOI logoGoogle Scholar, 540). The rapport management framework states that equity rights function as a fundamental belief that we are entitled to personal consideration from others, so that we are treated fairly: that we are not unduly imposed upon or unfairly ordered about, that we are not taken advantage of or exploited, and that we receive the benefits to which we are entitled (Spencer-Oatey 2002Spencer-Oatey, Helen 2002 “Managing Rapport in Talk: Using Rapport Sensitive Incidents to Explore the Motivational Concerns Underlying the Management of Relations.” Journal of Pragmatics 34 (5): 529–545. DOI logoGoogle Scholar, 540). By mentioning sensitive issues via CS, the speaker may be using a foreign language in exchange for psychological distance when the contents of the conversation get too sensitive (Tan 2013Tam, King Fai [譚景輝] 2013 “香港口語藝術表演的語言特色:棟篤笑的雙語幽默. [The Language Features of Hong Kong Oral Arts Performance: Bilingual Humour of Stand Comedy].” 《新亞學報》 [New Asia Journal] 31: 471–488.Google Scholar, 481). At the same time, just by mentioning the sensitive issue, it puts the addressee on the spot.

4.1.3Exclamations

Interlocutors mainly switch to English exclamations to show exaggeration. Exclaiming in English aggravates the offence through a provocative tone, as in Example (4). Here, sidekick Sinn annoys host Lee by telling him that the actress whom Lee has a crush on now has a boyfriend, while shouting “yeah” in English (line 1), embarrassing Lee before the audience.

Example 4

[Context: In host Lee’s monologue, Lee shares the news of a wedding between two stars, and sidekick Sinn mentions that the actress Myolie Wu Hang Yee  胡杏兒 has a new boyfriend. It is said that Lee has had a long-standing crush on Wu.](Youku, Episode 4, 03:10–03:20)

1 單立文:
Sinn Lap Man:
Yeah
Yeah!
Yeah!
Fei1
Abandon
jo2
(particle)
李思捷!
lei5 si1 jit6!
Johnson Lee!
Yeah!
Yeah!
Yeah!

Yeah! Ditched Johnson Lee! Yeah!

These CS exclamations together with the exaggerated tone can express strong emotions to intensify the impoliteness.

4.2CS sentences showing impoliteness

CS could be used to show impoliteness in making requests, showing insult, displaying ignorance, and disagreement.

4.2.1Making requests

When requests are made by switching to English or Mandarin, they come across as more insistent and impolite. Moreover, the addressees’ equity rights are challenged when such requests are made with a provocative or commanding tone. A recurring gag on the show is sidekick Jackie Chen’s perceived incompetence and host Lee’s resulting annoyance with him. In Example (5), besides challenging the sidekick Chen’s equity rights, Lee repeatedly makes the same request by switching to English and Mandarin respectively (line 1). The reiteration of the request aggravates the ranking of imposition. At first, Lee requests in Cantonese that Chen change the cue card, but Jackie Chen does not respond, so Lee asks again, switching to English. Although “Can you…, please” is a conventional polite phrase, Lee uses it in an impolite way, with a commanding tone and impatient facial expression. Switching to Mandarin intensifies the degree of impoliteness, because Lee further emphasises the divergence with Chen to imply that he cannot understand Cantonese and English, which are used most commonly in HK.

Example 5

[Context: Sidekick Chen who stands near the camera and opposite host Lee is holding up the cue cards. When Lee finishes introducing the live band, Chen does not change the cue card.](Youku, Episode 1, 10:10–10:30)

1 李思捷:
Johnson Lee:
啊,
A1,
Ah,
Jackie ,
Jackie ,
Jackie,
其實
kei4 sat6
actually
deui6
team
band
band
band
ngo5
I
yi5
already
介紹
gaai3 siu6
introduced
jo2
have
噶啦!
ga1 la1!
(phrase-final particle)!
其實
Kei4 sat6
Actually
yiu3
will
jyun3
turn
第二個
dai6 yi6 go3
second (particle)
cue
cue
cue
card
card
card
jik1
that
系!
hai6!
is!
第二個
Dai6 yi6 go3
Second (particle)
板,
baan2,
board,
m4
don’t
gong2
say
嘢!
ye5!
things!
Can
Can
Can
you
you
you
turn
turn
turn
around
around
around
the
the
the
hint
hint
hint
card,
card,
card,
please?
please?
please?
調轉,
Diào
Turn
zhuǎn ,
around,
了[Mandarin]
duì le !
yes (phrase-final particle)!
Ngo5
I
真系
jan1 hai6
really
m4
don’t
ji1
know
點解
dim2 gaai2
why
公司
gung1 si1
company
ching2
invite
keui5
him
返來
faan1 loi4
return
啫?
je1?
(question mark)?

‘Ah, Jackie, I have already introduced the band, time to switch the cue cards! Can you flip the cue card over, please? Flip it over! Yes! I really don’t know how he even got hired.’

4.2.2Displaying insult

In Example (6), during an interview with action star Chin Siu Ho  錢小豪 , host Lee points out that the girl should feel ashamed because she did not thank Chin who had rescued her when she was young (line 3). He insulted her by repeating “you should be ashamed” in English.

Example 6

[Context: An interview with the famous HK Kungfu actor Chin Siu Ho. Host Lee mentions that Chin had received the Good Citizen Award in HK in 1994, because he rescued a girl who was kidnapped by a gangster.](Youku, Episode 16, 13:35–15:30)

1 李思捷:
Johnson Lee:
Keui5
She
真系
jan1 hai6
really
一句
yat1 geui3
a sentence
多謝
do1 je6
many thanks
dou1
even
mou5
don’t have
啊?
a1?
(question mark)?

‘She didn’t even say “many thanks” to you?’

2 錢小豪:
Chin Siu Ho:
系…
Hai6…yat1
Yes…a
一句
geui3
sentence
多謝
do1 je6
many thanks
dou1
even
冇,
mou5,
don’t have,
m4
no
緊要
gan2 yiu3
problem
嘅…
ge3…
(phrase-final particle)…

‘Yes, she didn’t even say “many thanks”, no problem…’

3 李思捷:
(To the girl who didn’t say thanks to Chin)
Johnson Lee:
如果
Yu4 gwo2
If
nei5 yi4
you
宜家
ga1
now
睇 緊,
tai2 gan2,
watching,
you
you
you
should
should
should
be
be
be
ashamed!
ashamed!
ashamed!
You
You
You
should
should
should
be
be
be
ashamed!
ashamed!
ashamed!

‘If you are watching this, you should be ashamed! You should be ashamed!

In Example (7), when sidekick Sinn wants host Lee to return his employee pass (line 1), Sinn challenges Lee’s equity rights by taking back his employee pass to limit his fair right to work. Lee in turn challenges Sinn’s association rights by showing no direct response with Sinn’s reasonable request to return the employee pass after leaving the company. Association rights are performed as a fundamental belief that we are entitled to association with others that is in keeping with the type of relationship that we have with them. Lee would not like to keep a friendly relationship with Sinn, says he will not return it, and switches to English in line 2 “You too simple, too naive”, insulting Sinn in an unfriendly tone (line 2).

Example 7

[Context: In the opening sketch, Sinn works for TVB Jade. He goes to a village to find Johnson Lee Sze-Chit (hereafter Lee), who was a former employee of TVB Jade. Sinn has come to claim Lee’s employee pass.](Youku, Episode 1, 01:55–02:25)

1 單立文:
Sinn Lap Man:
其實
Kei4 sat6
Actually
公司
gung1 si1
company
giu3
let
ngo5
me
來,
loi4,
come,
hai6
is
yiu3
going to
摞返
lo3 faan1
get back
go3
the
工作證。
gung1 jok3 jing3。
employee’s pass.

‘The company has sent me to retrieve your employee pass.’

2 李思捷:
Johnson Lee:
Ngo5
My
ge3
(particle)
ye5
things
lo3
get
m4
can’t
返。
faan1。
back.
You
You
You
too
too
too
simple,
simple,
simple,
too
too
too
naive.
naive.
naive.

‘My stuff can’t be returned. You’re too simple, too naive.

4.2.3Feigning ignorance

Sometimes, when the interlocutor does not want to respond to an addressee directly, the interlocutor will switch to English to feign ignorance about what the other is saying, distracting them at the same time. In the sketch in Example (8), sidekick Sinn plays host Lee’s boss. A dying Sinn asks Lee to promise him that Lee will not replace Sinn after Sinn’s death (line 1). Lee should answer “I promise you”, “Ying1sing4nei5”  應承你 in Cantonese, but not wanting to commit to this, he says “English is the second language” in English, showing impoliteness to Sinn by ignoring him (line 2). He prolongs the first word “English” as a fake out – the pronunciation of [iŋ] in “English” is similar to that in “Ying1sing4nei5”  應承你 , leading Sinn to think Lee might really be making the promise.

Example 8

[Context: The sketch, starring host Lee and sidekick Sinn.](Youku, Episode 4, 36:30–36:55)

1 單立文:
Sinn Lap Man:
應承
Ying1 sing4
Promise
我,
ngo5,mou5
me,
jo6
don’t
ngo5
take
我嘅
ge3
my
位!
wai6!
place.

‘Promise me, don’t replace me.’

2 李思捷 Johnson Lee: English is the second language.

4.2.4Showing disagreement

In Example (9), the guest Candy Lo Hau Yam  盧巧音 challenges host Lee’s equity rights by repeatedly asking about Lee’s girlfriend. Lee is said to have a rather colourful private life, claiming he is single at this time. Lee shows disagreement by denying having a girlfriend by switching to Mandarin (line 4). Lo also refutes in Mandarin, which makes Lee feel even more awkward (lines 5–6). In this context, switching to Mandarin may make the addressee panic and inadvertently say what the speaker wants them to, because they are less proficient in Mandarin.

Example 9

[Context: An interview with Candy Lo Hau Yam, a famous singer in HK. Host Lee asks her when she is having children. Lo says she will only have children after Lee does, and then asks if Lee has a girlfriend, and what her name is.](Youku, Episode 21, 35:25–35:40)

1 盧巧音:
Lo Hau Yam:
Nei5
You
宜家
ji4 gaa1 neoi5
current
女朋友
pang4 jau5
girlfriend
giu3
call
mat1
what
ming4
name
啊?
aa1?
(question mark)?

‘What’s your current girlfriend’s name?’

2 李思捷:
Johnson Lee:
Ngo5
I
宜家
ji4 gaa1
currently
冇,
mou5,
don’t have,
真系
zan1 hai6
really
冇。
mou5。
don’t have.

‘I don’t have currently, really don’t have.’

3 盧巧音:
Lo Hau Yam:
Hai6
Really
吗?
maa3?
(question mark)?

‘Really?’

4 李思捷:
Johnson Lee:
I
沒有
méiyǒu
don’t
女朋友。[Mandarin]
nǚpéngyǒu。
have girlfriend.

I don’t have a girlfriend.

5 盧巧音:
Lo Hau Yam:
但是
Dànshì
But
現在
xiànzài
now
de
(particle)
那個
nàgè
that
雜誌
zázhì
magazine
啊,
a ,
(phrase-final
裡面
lǐmiàn
particle),
yǒu
Inside
hěn
have
duō
so
啊![Mandarin]
ā!
many (expletive)!

But the magazines say you have lots of girlfriends.

6 李思捷:
Johnson Lee:
雜誌
Jaap6 ji3
Magazine
dou1
all
hai6
are
ga2
false
嘅,
ge3,
(particle),
nei5
you
seun3
believe
ngo5
me
啦!
la1!
(expletive)!

‘The stuff you read in magazines is false, trust me!’

In this section, we have shown how CS words/phrases and sentences manifest as impoliteness in various ways. Since Cantonese is the most spoken language in Hong Kong and English has been a language from colonial days, switching to English, the tone and pronunciation can intensify the impoliteness. In HK, Mandarin is a recent language after its return to China. For most Hong Kong residents, the proficiency of Mandarin may not be as good as that of English. Thus, switching to Mandarin may pose an even greater challenge to the addressees than English.

5.Conclusion

This study contributes to the research on CS in impoliteness by showing how CS can manifest as impoliteness in a HK Cantonese talk show. CS can occur in words/phrases such as address terms, sensitive words or exclamations. It can also be found in sentences showing impoliteness in making requests, displaying insults, feigning ignorance or showing disagreement. When CS manifests as impoliteness, face management (quality face, social identity face) and sociality rights management (equity rights, association rights) of rapport management (Spencer-Oatey 2002Spencer-Oatey, Helen 2002 “Managing Rapport in Talk: Using Rapport Sensitive Incidents to Explore the Motivational Concerns Underlying the Management of Relations.” Journal of Pragmatics 34 (5): 529–545. DOI logoGoogle Scholar) are all challenged. In the show, face management involves one’s individual or social image that needs to be appreciated or recognized. It is evident that impoliteness is closely linked with interpersonal relationships in interaction. Sociality rights management are performed as specific approaches to show impoliteness. The process of challenging face and sociality rights shows how interlocutors achieve their interactional goals in the show, especially the transactional goals of generating humour and entertainment, and promoting guests’ work. The proportion of CS that manifests as impoliteness in different sections and conversational relationships indicates how transactional goals (task-oriented) influence rapport in the show.

Given that HK is a multilingual environment where East meets West, and the most common language is Cantonese. The occurrences of CS that manifest as impoliteness in English and Mandarin also reveal the language attitudes HK residents have towards Cantonese, English, and Mandarin in HK as the target audience and interlocutors are multilingual. In most cases, interlocutors switch from Cantonese to English, with a few cases of Cantonese to Mandarin.

As the mother tongue, Cantonese symbolises the unity and cohesion of the ethnic Chinese community in HK (Tan 2013Tam, King Fai [譚景輝] 2013 “香港口語藝術表演的語言特色:棟篤笑的雙語幽默. [The Language Features of Hong Kong Oral Arts Performance: Bilingual Humour of Stand Comedy].” 《新亞學報》 [New Asia Journal] 31: 471–488.Google Scholar, 480). English is a language with practical utility (Tan 2013Tam, King Fai [譚景輝] 2013 “香港口語藝術表演的語言特色:棟篤笑的雙語幽默. [The Language Features of Hong Kong Oral Arts Performance: Bilingual Humour of Stand Comedy].” 《新亞學報》 [New Asia Journal] 31: 471–488.Google Scholar, 480). As HK returned to Chinese sovereignty in 1997, the importance of Mandarin has been recognised and its status has improved (Pan 2000Pan, Yuling 2000Politeness in Chinese Face-to-Face Interaction. Stamford: Ablex.Google Scholar, 26). Despite the increased use of Mandarin in HK, its popularity and usage are still not comparable to that of Cantonese and English. Mandarin plays a special role in CS that manifests as impoliteness by causing the addressee to panic and spontaneously say what the host wants them to as they are less proficient in Mandarin. The less proficient the addressee is in Mandarin, the more impolite switching to Mandarin may seem. This phenomenon is also related to people’s linguistic attitudes towards the three languages in HK. Hence, when CS occurs by switching to English, it may show impoliteness. When CS occurs by switching to Mandarin, the impoliteness can be intensified as HK residents are less proficient in Mandarin.

In the context of media, when CS manifests as impoliteness, it highlights the addressee. At the same time, this impoliteness can be intensified by making full use of paralinguistic and nonverbal factors, including exaggerated tones, laughter, facial expressions, and physical posture. Unlike some American late-night talk shows, the interlocutors in this HK TV talk show rarely show impoliteness directly to the audience. When it comes to some sensitive and awkward issues that are difficult to parse, code-switching is a good way to obfuscate one’s embarrassment and guilt. This is consistent with Tan’s (2013Tam, King Fai [譚景輝] 2013 “香港口語藝術表演的語言特色:棟篤笑的雙語幽默. [The Language Features of Hong Kong Oral Arts Performance: Bilingual Humour of Stand Comedy].” 《新亞學報》 [New Asia Journal] 31: 471–488.Google Scholar, 11) research of CS in HK stand-up comedy, in which Tan observed that people use a foreign language in exchange for mental distance when the conversation contents are too sensitive.

More studies of this nature need to be undertaken to provide a fuller view of how the different Chinese dialect TV shows use CS in impoliteness to entertain audiences. There is also room for more detailed studies to be conducted on differences in the gender of hosts and guests as well as conversational topics.

Acknowledgements

We would like to thank the anonymous reviewers for their very helpful comments, and Jedd Jong for his helpful assistance in the writing of this paper.

Notes

References

Appel, Rene, and Pieter Muysken
1987Language Contact and Bilingualism. London: Edward Arnold.Google Scholar
Bauer, Robert S.
1984 “The Hong Kong Cantonese Speech Community.” Language Learning and Communication 3(3): 243–414.Google Scholar
Bell, Allan
1984 “Language Style as Audience Design.” Language in Society 13 (2): 145–204. DOI logoGoogle Scholar
Bi, Xiaoyi, and Elizabeth Marsden
2020 “Managing Interpersonal Relationships: Teasing as a Method of Professional Identity Construction.” Journal of Pragmatics 165: 18–30. DOI logoGoogle Scholar
Blom, Jan P., and John J. Gumperz
1972 “Social Meaning in Linguistic Structures: Code Switching in Northern Norway.” In Directions in Sociolinguistics: The Ethnography of Communication, ed. by John J. Gumperz, and Dell Hymes, 407–434. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.Google Scholar
Brown, Penelope, and Stephen Levinson
1987 [1978]Politeness: Some Universals in Language Usage. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. DOI logoGoogle Scholar
Chan, Angela, Stephanie Schnurr, and Olga Zayts
2018 “Exploring Face, Identity and Relationship Management in Disagreements in Business Meetings in Hong Kong.” Journal of Politeness Research 14 (2): 233–260. DOI logoGoogle Scholar
Chau, Dennis, and Carmen Lee
2021 “ ‘See you soon! ADD OIL AR!’: Code-switching for Face-work in Edu-social Facebook Groups.” Journal of Pragmatics 184: 18–28. DOI logoGoogle Scholar
Clayman, Steven, and John Heritage
2002The News Interview: Journalists and Public Figures on the Air. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. DOI logoGoogle Scholar
Culpeper, Jonathan
2005 “Impoliteness and Entertainment in the Television Quiz Show: The Weakest Link.” Journal of Politeness Research 1: 35–72. DOI logoGoogle Scholar
Grosjean, Francois, and Joanne L. Miller
1994 “Going in and out of Languages: An Example of Bilingual Flexibility.” Psychological Science V (4): 201–206. DOI logoGoogle Scholar
Gumperz, John
1982Discourse Strategies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. DOI logoGoogle Scholar
Han, Yanmei
2021 “Situated Impoliteness Revisited: Blunt Anti-epidemic Slogans and Conflicting Comments During the Coronavirus Outbreak in China.” Journal of Pragmatics 178: 31–42. DOI logoGoogle Scholar
Heritage, John
2002 “The Limits of Questioning: Negative Interrogatives and Hostile Question Content.” Journal of Pragmatics 34: 1427–1446. DOI logoGoogle Scholar
Huang, Mei-Ling
2014 “A Study of Impoliteness Strategies in a Taiwanese Talk Show: A Case Study of Kang Xi Lai Le.” MA thesis. Providence University.
Ilie, Cornelia
1999 “Question-Response Argumentation in Talk Shows.” Journal of Pragmatics 31 (8): 975–999. DOI logoGoogle Scholar
2001 “Semi-institutional Discourse: The Case of Talk Shows.” Journal of Pragmatics 33 (2): 209–254. DOI logoGoogle Scholar
Kádár, Dániel Z., and Yuling Pan
2012 “Chinese ‘Face’ and Im/politeness: An Introduction.” Journal of Politeness Research 8 (1): 1–10. DOI logoGoogle Scholar
Lai, Xiaoyu
2019 “Impoliteness in English and Chinese Online Diners’ Reviews.” Journal of Politeness Research 15 (2): 293–322. DOI logoGoogle Scholar
Lee, Cher Leng
2003 “Motivations of Code-switching in Multi-lingual Singapore”, Journal of Chinese Linguistics 31 (1): 145–176.Google Scholar
Lee, Cher Leng, Yao Chen, and Gek Len Tan
2013 “Silence and Face-work in Two Chinese TV Talk Shows.” Discourse, Context & Media 2 (1): 52–74. DOI logoGoogle Scholar
Leech, Geoffrey
1983Principles of Pragmatics. London: Longman.Google Scholar
Li, Cheng-Tuan, and Yong-Ping Ran
2016 “Self-professional Identity Construction through Other-identity Deconstruction in Chinese Televised Debating Discourse.” Journal of Pragmatics 94: 47–63. DOI logoGoogle Scholar
Li, David C. S.
2000 “Cantonese-English Code-switching Research in Hong Kong: A Y2K Review.” World Englishes 19 (3): 305–322. DOI logoGoogle Scholar
Lin, Chih-Ying
2020 “Exploring Judges’ Compliments and Criticisms on American, British, and Taiwanese Talent Shows.” Journal of Pragmatics 160: 44–59. DOI logoGoogle Scholar
Lorenzo-Dus, Nuria
2005 “A Rapport and Impression Management Approach to Public Figures’ Performance of Talk.” Journal of Pragmatics 37 (5): 611–631. DOI logoGoogle Scholar
Mao, Yansheng, and Xin Zhao
2020 “A Discursive Approach to Disagreements Expressed by Chinese Spokespersons During Press Conferences.” Discourse, Context & Media 37. DOI logoGoogle Scholar
Milroy, Lesley, and Pieter Muysken
1995 “Introduction: Code-switching and Bilingualism Research.” In One Speaker Two Languages: Cross-disciplinary Perspectives on Code-switching, ed. by Lesley Milroy, and Pieter Muysken, 1–14. New York: Cambridge University Press. DOI logoGoogle Scholar
Myers-Scotton, Carol
1989 “Codeswitching with English: Types of Switching, Types of Communities.” World Englishes 3: 333–346. DOI logoGoogle Scholar
1992 “Comparing Codeswitching and Borrowing.” Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development XIII, 1&2: 19–37. DOI logoGoogle Scholar
Pan, Yuling
2000Politeness in Chinese Face-to-Face Interaction. Stamford: Ablex.Google Scholar
2011 “Cantonese Politeness in the Interviewing Setting.” Journal of Asian Pacific Communication 21 (1): 10–33. DOI logoGoogle Scholar
Poplack, Shana
1979 “Sometimes I’ll Start a Sentence in Spanish y termino en espanol: Toward a Typology of Code-switching.” Linguistics 18 (7–8): 581–618.Google Scholar
Ran, Yongping, and Linsen Zhao
2018 “Building Mutual Affection-based Face in Conflict Mediation: A Chinese Relationship Management Model.” Journal of Pragmatics 129: 185–198. DOI logoGoogle Scholar
Safi, S.
1992 “Functions of Code-switching: Saudi Arabic in the United States.” In The Arabic Language in America, ed. by A. Rouchdy, 72–80. Detroit, MI: Wayne State University.Google Scholar
Spencer-Oatey, Helen
2002 “Managing Rapport in Talk: Using Rapport Sensitive Incidents to Explore the Motivational Concerns Underlying the Management of Relations.” Journal of Pragmatics 34 (5): 529–545. DOI logoGoogle Scholar
2005 “(Im)politeness, Face and Perceptions of Rapport: Unpackaging Their Bases and Interrelationships.” Journal of Politeness Research 1(1): 95–119. DOI logoGoogle Scholar
2008 “Face, (Im)politeness and Rapport.” In Culturally Speaking: Culture, Communication and Politeness Theory, ed. by H. Spencer-Oatey, 11–47. London, New York: Continuum.Google Scholar
(ed) 2008Culturally Speaking: Culture, Communication and Politeness Theory. London, New York: Continuum.Google Scholar
Su, Hsi-Yao
2009 “Code-switching in Managing a Face-threatening Communicative Task: Footing and Ambiguity in Conversational Interaction in Taiwan.” Journal of Pragmatics 41: 372–392. DOI logoGoogle Scholar
Tam, King Fai [譚景輝]
2013 “香港口語藝術表演的語言特色:棟篤笑的雙語幽默. [The Language Features of Hong Kong Oral Arts Performance: Bilingual Humour of Stand Comedy].” 《新亞學報》 [New Asia Journal] 31: 471–488.Google Scholar
Xia, Dengshan and Chun Lan
2019 “(Im)politeness at a Chinese Dinner Table: A Discursive Approach to (Im)politeness in Multi-party Communication.” Journal of Politeness Research 15 (2): 223–256. DOI logoGoogle Scholar
Yang, Na, and Wei Ren
2020 “Jocular Mockery in the Context of a Localised Playful Frame: Unpacking Humour in a Chinese Reality TV Show.” Journal of Pragmatics 162: 32–44. DOI logoGoogle Scholar
Yip, Jesse W. C.
2020 “Directness of Advice Giving in Traditional Chinese Medicine Consultations.” Journal of Pragmatics 166: 28–38. DOI logoGoogle Scholar
Zhao, Linsen, and Yongping Ran
2019 “Impoliteness Revisited: Evidence from Qingmian Threats in Chinese Interpersonal Conflicts.” Journal of Politeness Research 15 (2): 257–291. DOI logoGoogle Scholar

Address for correspondence

Cher Leng Lee

Department of Chinese Studies

National University of Singapore

AS8, Level 5, 10 Kent Ridge Crescent

119260

Singapore

[email protected]

Biographical notes

Cher Leng Lee is an Associate Professor of Chinese Linguistics at the National University of Singapore. Her research areas are Pragmatics (including Politeness, Compliments, Chinese pronouns in classical Chinese, TV talk shows) and sociolinguistics (Singapore Mandarin and dialects, and Singapore Chinese language education, linguistic landscape).

Daoning Zhu is a PhD student at the Department of Chinese Studies, National University of Singapore. Her PhD thesis is on Chinese TV talk shows.