Article In: Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area
Vol. 49:2 (2026) ► pp.246–299
Causative alternation in Tibetic and Trans-Himalayan
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Abstract
The article revisits the causative voicing alternation attested in a restricted number of fossilised lexical pairs in various sub-branches of the Trans-Himalayan language family. I introduce linguistic facts from the Tibetic languages which have not been previously investigated and point to shortcomings in arguments previously put forward. With new data from Old Literary Tibetan, the article lends support to the devoicing hypothesis according to which causative verbs with voiceless root consonants were derived from a-causative voiced verbs through the prefix *s‑: *s+√Gacaus > √Kcaus. By ordering linguistic facts about Tibetic historical morphology, the article demonstrates the existence of several processes of causative derivation that can be aligned chronologically, thereby helping to resolve some of the burning problems in Trans-Himalayan verb morphology. Consequently, two distinct derivational patterns are reconstructed to Proto-Trans-Himalayan: I. acaus √G‑ > caus √K‑, and II. caus *s‑ ⪤ acaus *ᴺ‑, revealing two causative prefixes, *s1‑ and *s2‑.
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.Voicing alternation in Trans-Himalayan
- 3.Voicing alternation in Tibetic verbs
- 4.Directionality of voicing
- 4.1Voicing assimilation in Tibetic onsets
- 4.2Causative/a-causative derivational patterns in Tibetic
- 5.Light at the end of the tunnel
- 5.1Causative derivations with nasal roots
- 5.2Devoicing prefix s‑
- 5.3Semantics of (de)causativisation in OLT
- 6.Directionality of voicing in TH reconsidered
- 6.1Sinitic perspective
- 6.2Hmong-Mien support
- 6.3Maybe not voicing?
- 6.4Familiar patterns
- 7.Maybe devoicing?
- 7.1Nasals
- 7.2Liquids
- 8.Discussion
- Conclusions
- Acknowledgements
- Notes
- Abbreviations and symbols
- Author queries
References and sigla
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