Overt preverbal subjects in Spanish have been claimed to be in an adjoined, peripheral layer of the clause and in IP-layer. Part of the motivation for the different analyses stems from mixed A and A-bar properties they display. I argue that subjects do not appear in a single, unique position, but rather in several functional projections along the extended verbal projection. Consequently, different A and A-bar properties are expected. In some cases, the properties of those projections will be determined in the course of the derivation: if a verb raises to a certain projection, it will render this projection active for agreement purposes and trigger movement of the subject to its specifier.
2016. External Arguments and Dative Cliticization: Evidence of Selective Spell‐out of Functional Heads. Syntax 19:2 ► pp. 192 ff.
Pöll, Bernhard
2010. Some remarks on subject positions and the architecture of the left periphery in Spanish. Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 55:3 ► pp. 359 ff.
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