Reichenbach meets underspecification
A novel approach to the perfect-past-cycle in German (and elsewhere)
This paper investigates the long-term diachronic development of the perfect and preterite tenses in German and provides a novel analysis by supplementing
Reichenbach’s (1947) classical theory of tense by the notion of underspecification. Based on a newly compiled parallel corpus spanning the entire documented history of German, we show that the development in question is cyclic: It starts out with only one tense form (preterite) compatible with both current relevance and narrative past readings in (early) Old High German and, via three intermediate stages, arrives at only one tense form again (perfect) compatible with the same readings in modern Upper German dialects. We propose that in order to capture all attested stages we must allow tenses to be unspecified for R (reference time), with R merely being inferred pragmatically. We then propose that the transitions between the different stages can be explained by the interplay between semantics and pragmatics.
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.Preterite vs. perfect in German
- 2.1Distribution, “preterite decay” and “perfect expansion”
- 2.2Previous analyses: Monosemous vs. polysemous
- 2.3Our proposal: Reichenbach meets underspecification
- 3.Diachronic corpus study
- 3.1Goals, methodology and data
- 3.2Results for study A: Forms used in current relevance contexts
- 3.3Results for study B: Forms used in narrative contexts
- 3.4Summary and discussion of the results
- 4.Diachronic analysis
- 4.1Five diachronic stages
- 4.2Motivating the transitions
- 4.2.1Semantic enrichment of the preterite
- 4.2.2Semantic impoverishment of the perfect
- 4.2.3A note on preterite expansion
- 4.2.4Eventual (non-)loss of the preterite
- 5.Conclusion and outlook
- Acknowledgements
- Notes
- Abbreviations
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Primary texts for studies A and B (cf. Section 3)
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Other primary texts
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References