Changes in the functions of already in Singapore English
A grammaticalization approach
The use of the adverb
already in Colloquial Singapore English has long been known as one of the most readily recognizable features defining the contact dialect, marking aspectual nuances such as anterior, completive, inchoative and inceptive functions, as noted by Bao (
2005,
2015). Recent observations note that the uses of
already as an inchoative marker (distinguishing the adverb as an iamitive) are more frequently found than completive uses across a small, synchronic sample of speakers (
Teo 2019). It is perhaps less often recognized, though, that the aspectual use of
already co-exists with the variable marking for past tense in Singlish (
Ho & Platt 1993), and that both the aspectual adverb and the past tense may be seen to co-occur in the same construction. The frequency of
already in its various functions is examined across two corpora, and the relative frequency of completive vs. non-completive functions is quantified diachronically. It is hypothesized that, rather than grammaticalizing onwards to become a past tense marker, as is predictable for some Portuguese creole iamitives (
ya ‘already’) (
Clements 2006),
already is becoming increasingly restricted in its functional range in today’s Singlish, and that its perfect and completive functions may be at a stage of selective renovation by the use of the past tense in Standard Singapore English.
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.The situation of English in Singapore
- 3.Previous studies on the status of Singlish already
- 4.Categorizing already typologically
- 4.1Grammaticalization paths
- 4.2Iamitives and the past tense
- 4.3Singlish past tense
- 5.The occurrence of already in corpus data
- 6.Discussion
- 6.1Grammaticalization of already
- 6.1.1Renovation
- 6.1.2
Already and past tense co-occurrence
- 7.Conclusions
- Acknowledgements
- Notes
-
References
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Cited by (2)
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Basile, Carmelo Alessandro
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2023.
The Corpus of Singapore English Messages (CoSEM).
World Englishes 42:2
► pp. 371 ff.
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