On the obligatory versus no control split in Korean
In Korean, Obligatory Control may, under certain
conditions, fail to obtain. We present non-canonical cases of
logophoric object control where (1) movement of the control clause,
and (2) an overt infinitival subject give rise to configurations
unexpectedly lacking the Obligatory Control signature; complements
to logophoric object control verbs thus exhibit an alternation
between Obligatory Control and No Control. In the No Control case,
however, the embedded subject remains subject to the restriction
that it cannot refer to the matrix author. We model the
Obligatory versus No Control split derivationally, and show that
control complementizers encode information sensitive to attitudinal
function.
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.Data
- 2.1Control complementizers
- 2.2Base and inverse order
- 2.3The orientation of control complementizers towards
attitudinal function
- 2.3.1The anti-AUTHOR restriction
- 2.3.2The AUTHOR restriction
- 2.3.3Conditions on the anti-AUTHOR restriction
- 2.4Overt infinitival subjects
- 2.5Interim summary
- 3.Analysis
- 3.1The control clause in the inverse order has moved
- 3.1.1The inverse control clause is selected by the control
verb
- 3.1.2Extraction patterns
- 3.1.3The anti-reconstruction of control clause
movement
- 3.2The OC-NC split
- 3.2.1PRO as a bound minimal pronoun
- 3.2.2Derivations
- 3.2.3The presence vs absence of obligatory de se
- 4.Open issues
- 4.1Subject control
- 4.2Lifting the anti-AUTHOR restriction
- 4.3Outlook
- 5.Conclusion
-
Notes
-
References