Control and covert modality in Hungarian
MECs and postverbal-only focus constructions
We discuss two seemingly unrelated constructions
of Hungarian: a type of modal existential
wh-construction (MEC), and a structure that on the
surface seems to be a monoclausal focus construction. They are
argued to have a similar biclausal underlying structure involving
control and covert modality, the latter triggering the raising of
the embedded verb to the selecting predicate. To account for this
movement and other transparency phenomena attested in these
constructions, adjunction of the moved wh-words to a non-finite
TP-domain is proposed following Šimík (2011, 2013a). This analysis is closer to standard
cross-linguistic accounts of both control and restructuring: though
infinitival clauses can contain their own focus-related elements, it
seems justifiable to assume that they are smaller than CPs.
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.General overview of the data
- 2.1Postverbal-only focus
- 2.2Modal existential wh-constructions
- 3.Earlier accounts
- 3.1Postverbal-only focus
- 3.2Modal existential wh-constructions
- 3.3Covert modality
- 3.4Transparency and clause size
- 3.5Interim summary
- 4.The proposal
- 4.1Verb movement and covert modals
- 5.Control and raising MECs in Hungarian
- 6.Conclusion
-
Acknowledgements
-
Notes
-
References