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Part of
Pseudo-Coordination and Multiple Agreement Constructions
Edited by Giuliana Giusti, Vincenzo Nicolò Di Caro and Daniel Ross
[Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today 274] 2022
► pp. 65–98

Chapter 3
A bisentential syntax for a/bare finite complements in South Italian varieties

Motion verbs and the progressive

ORCID logo | Università degli studi di Firenze
ORCID logo | Università degli studi di Firenze
In South Italian varieties of Apulia, Calabria and Sicily a restricted number of control/raising verbs, including stay/be, go, come and want embed finite complements, either bare or introduced by a. These are not necessarily languages with so-called subjunctive particles; in any event, the latter have a different form. Under monoclausal analyses, verbs like stay/be, go etc. are functional heads embedding an inflected predicate. Here we adopt a biclausal analysis under which embedding under stay/be, go etc. is a normal clausal embedding. We argue that the biclausal analysis is not only feasible, but also advantageous, from a morphosyntactic point of view. Focusing on the progressive, we also consider whether the bisentential analysis is compatible with semantic interpretation and how it fares in a typological perspective.
Keywords: complementizer, inflection, clitic, preposition, progressive
Article outline
  • 1.Basic evidence
    • 1.1Basic evidence
  • 2.Fine-grained evidence
    • 2.1Matrix and embedded verb inflections
    • 2.2Other parameters
  • 3.Syntactic analysis
    • 3.1The a introducer
    • 3.2Inflection patterns
    • 3.3Clititicization patterns
  • 4.The interpretation of the progressive
  • 5.Macrovariation and universals
  • 6.Conclusions
  • Acknowledgements
  • Notes
  • References
Published online: 16 March 2022
DOI logo
https://doi.org/10.1075/la.274.03man
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