In this work we consider the diachronic development of two distinct types of negative markers, those originally stemming from minimizers (m-negation) and those originally deriving from a negative quantifier (q-negation). We provide evidence in favor of the hypothesis that, despite appearances, they do not follow the same grammaticalization path. We claim that the distinct syntactic position of the two types of negation in the modern dialects depends on the distinct evolution path they have taken, which in turn depends on their original properties. While minimizers change their position during the grammaticalization cline, q-negation stays in the same position throughout the whole process. If this is correct, it means that Jespersen’s cycle is not syntactically homogenous and that the result of a postverbal negative marker can be achieved by means of various strategies.
2018. Minimizers in Azerbaijani from a comparative perspective. Folia Linguistica 52:1 ► pp. 177 ff.
Tamburelli, Marco & Lissander Brasca
2018. Revisiting the classification of Gallo-Italic: a dialectometric approach. Digital Scholarship in the Humanities 33:2 ► pp. 442 ff.
Thaler, Verena
2016. Italian mica and its use in discourse: An interactional account. Journal of Pragmatics 103 ► pp. 49 ff.
Pinto, Clara
2015. Para a história da negação: o minimizador <i>homem</i> no português antigo. Estudos de Lingüística Galega 7
Pinto, Clara
2018. Negative Indefinites in the history of Portuguese : the case of <em>nemigalha</em>. Estudos de Lingüística Galega► pp. 107 ff.
Garzonio, Jacopo & Cecilia Poletto
2014. The dynamics of the PF interface: Negation and clitic clusters. Lingua 147 ► pp. 9 ff.
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