Revisiting extraction and subextraction patterns from arguments
Extraction and subextraction tend to receive separate attention in syntax, which leads to the assumption that they
should be analyzed independently, even though they both illustrate an asymmetry between subjects and objects. By looking at
various phenomena in English, German, Spanish and Norwegian I propose that this parallel behavior is not accidental, but that
there is a previously unnoticed generalization: subextraction is allowed iff extraction is possible and the target of
subextraction is not an indirect object. I propose that a revised version of Spec-to-Spec antilocality (
Erlewine 2016) is necessary: movement of and out of an XP must cross a
Projection Line
(
PL) (
Brody 1998), i.e. the set of all projections of a head. This
version of antilocality can derive
Freezing effects,
Huang’s
(1982)
CED, and their exceptions; and
Comp-trace effects and their
neutralization, extending them to subextraction. However, antilocality on its own cannot derive the extraction-subextraction
asymmetry in indirect objects. I propose that the Principle of Minimal Compliance (PMC) (
Richards 1998) can suspend antilocality if agree between a probe and a goal has happened. The version adopted here
will allow extraction of the whole XP, but disallow extraction of its specifier due to the lack of an agree relation. Antilocality
and the PMC combined also make the right predictions in other domains such as the lack of
do-support in matrix
subject questions and A-movement of the subject in declarative clauses, providing evidence that antilocality is a constraint that
should apply to (at least) both A and A′-movement.
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.Extraction and subextraction data
- 2.1In-situ direct objects and in-situ subjects
- 2.2Movement out of moved elements: ECM in English, object shift and scrambling
- 2.3The TP domain: That-trace effects, lack of do-support and their neutralization
- 2.4Indirect objects
- 3.Taking stock: Extraction-subextraction generalization
- 4.Antilocality + the PMC
- 4.1Antilocality
- 4.1.1In-situ subjects and objects
- 4.1.2Movement of and out of moved XPs: Object shift and scrambling
- 4.1.3XPs in TP: That-trace effects, their neutralization and do-support
- 4.2The Principle of Minimal Compliance
- 4.2.1The PMC and Spec,vP to Spec,TP movement
- 4.2.2A desirable consequence of this system
- 4.2.3What about non-that-trace grammars?
- 4.3Indirect objects: Why the asymmetry?
- 4.3.1Against the low applicative hypothesis
- 4.3.2Indirect objects: The hows and whys of extraction but not subextraction
- 5.The generalizations explained
- 6.Some previous alternatives
- 6.1
Wexler and Culicover’s (1980) Freezing and subsequent formulations
- 6.2
Huang’s (1982) CED and its descendants
- 6.3Erlewine’s (2016, 2020)
antilocality
- 6.4Bošković’s (2016, 2018) labelling
approaches
- 7.Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- Notes
-
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