Verbal morphology in the Old English gloss to the Durham Collectar
This article examines the verbal morphology of the Old English interlinear gloss to the Durham Collectar,
attributed by almost universal consensus to Aldred of Chester-le-Street, whose earlier gloss to the Lindisfarne Gospels has
recently been the object of scholarly attention (
Cole 2014;
Fernández Cuesta & Pons-Sanz 2016,
Gameson et al. 2017). This article analyses
-
s/-th variation in the present indicative and imperative forms in relation to their syntactic context,
in particular subject type and subject-verb adjacency, in order to assess whether the Northern Subject Rule detected by
Cole (2014) in Lindisfarne was also operative in Aldred’s later gloss. By means of a
quantitative analysis, we find that the first constraint does not significantly affect -
s/-
ð
variation in the gloss and that there is insufficient context for the second. Additionally, it is argued that adjacency is a
problematic variable in this text-type. We also demonstrate that there is a higher percentage of second person singular
-
st and -
ð in the Collectar than in Lindisfarne and discuss the possible influence of
standard West Saxon on the later gloss.
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.Results
- 2.1Third-person singular present indicative
- 2.2First-person plural present indicative
- 2.3Second person plural indicative
- 2.4Third-person plural present indicative
- 2.5Second person singular present indicative
- 3.Adjacency effects
- 4.Discussion
- 5.Conclusion
- Notes
-
References
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Reduced forms in the nominal morphology of the Lindisfarne Gospel Gloss. A case of accusative/dative syncretism?.
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