Chapter 11
Circumventing ɸ-minimality
On some unorthodox cases of A-movement in Brazilian Portuguese
In this paper I argue that locative agreement and possessor raising in Brazilian Portuguese (BP) should be subsumed under Nunes’s (2008) analysis of hyper-raising in BP. More specifically, I propose that these unorthodox instances of A-movement in BP do not violate minimality, for the crossed potential interveners become inert for purposes of A-movement after receiving inherent Case. The proposed analysis extends to “extralong” cases of possessor raising and mixed patterns involving possessor raising out of locative configurations and provides an account for the role of the EPP in bleeding ɸ-minimality.
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.Subject hyper-raising in Brazilian Portuguese
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3.More instances of inherent Case circumventing ɸ-minimality
- 4.Some consequences
- 4.1“Extralong” A-movement
- 4.2Mixed cases
- 5.Movement-dependent agreement and the role of the EPP
-
6.Concluding remarks
-
Acknowledgements
-
Notes
-
References
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Kato, Mary A. & Francisco Ordóñez
2019.
Topic Subjects in Brazilian Portuguese and Clitic Left Dislocation in Dominican Spanish: The Role of Clitics and Null Subjects.
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