Chapter 12
Teasing apart 3rd person null subjects in Brazilian
Portuguese
We discuss null impersonals in Brazilian
Portuguese against the background of previous work by Holmberg
(2005, et seq.), in
which the properties of null impersonals play a role in the
characterization of partial pro-drop languages. We show that
although apparently similar, null impersonals in Finnish and BP
cannot receive the same analysis. In Finnish, there is only one type
of null impersonal. By contrast, there are two types of null
impersonals in BP, each one employing dedicated null impersonal
pronouns, i.e. pronouns that cannot receive a referential reading.
We take the properties of null impersonals in BP to showcase that
the different specifications of T in partial pro-drop languages can
have an overall effect in the grammar of their constructions.
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.Characteristics of partial pro-drop languages
- 3.Properties of BP null impersonals
- 3.1The EPP requirement
- 3.2Existential and generic readings in BP null
impersonals
- 4.Properties of existential and generic null impersonals
- 4.1Existential null impersonals
- 4.2Generic null impersonals
- 4.3Summary of the differences between existential and generic
null impersonals
- 5.Null indefinites
- 5.1Diesing’s analysis of indefinites
- 5.2Null impersonals in BP and Diesing’s typology
- 6.Why two types of pronouns in BP but not in Finnish?
- 7.Conclusion
-
Acknowledgements
-
Notes
-
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Cited by (3)
Cited by three other publications
Ortega-Santos, Iván
2023.
Is Chilean Spanish a Canonical Pro-drop Variety? On Subjecthood in Chilean Spanish. In
Formal Approaches to Languages of South America,
► pp. 203 ff.

Martins, Ana Maria & Jairo Nunes
Martins, Ana Maria & Jairo Nunes
2024.
D-features or ellipsis in null subject licensing? Evidence from Brazilian and European Portuguese.
Probus 36:2
► pp. 185 ff.

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