Edited by Aslı Gürer, Dilek Uygun-Gökmen and Balkız Öztürk
[Studies in Language Companion Series 215] 2020
► pp. 61–92
Relative clauses in Cappadocian (Greek) are introduced by two morphemes that agree with the Head in number. In Pharasiot (Greek), on the other hand, there is one morpheme marking RCs. I argue that the morphemes in Cappadocian are not relativizers but are agreement markers appearing not only on relatives but also on numerals/adjectives in a definite DP. In Pharasiot, the invariant morpheme is a complementizer emerged by the fusion of the external determiner and a complementizer in a D-CP structure. I further show that pre-nominal relatives in Pharasiot display characteristics of matching relatives whereas post-nominal ones should be analyzed as raising structures. Preliminary evidence suggests that in Cappadocian both pre- and post-nominal relatives involve a matching derivation.